性别 性别 性别 性别 性别

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Objectives
::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

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Analyze how gender roles affect the opportunities accessible to men and women  in society.
::分析性别角色如何影响社会中男子和妇女获得的机会。

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Explain how gender roles are affected by socialization.
::解释性别角色如何受到社会化的影响。

 

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Universal Generalizations
::普遍化

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All societies have norms governing how men and women should act.
::所有社会都有指导男女应如何行动的规范。

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Gender roles are specific behaviors and attitudes that are established by all societies.
::性别角色是所有社会确立的具体行为和态度。

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Gender has a significant effect on the roles that men and women play.
::性别对男女扮演的角色有重大影响。

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Social status influences a person’s health and health care he or she receives.
::社会地位影响一个人得到的健康和保健。

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Gender and not biology determines the majority of the roles men and women play in society.
::性别而不是生物学决定了男子和妇女在社会中的大多数角色。

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Individuals learn appropriate gender-role behavior through socialization.
::个人通过社会化学习适当的性别角色行为。

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In the United States, a person’s gender role is often reinforced at birth.
::在美国,一个人的性别作用往往在出生时就得到加强。

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Gender roles are both different and unequal.
::性别角色是不同的和不平等的。

 

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Guiding Questions
::问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问

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How have traditional roles for women and men changed in the past several decades.
::在过去几十年中,男女的传统角色是如何改变的。

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How have expectations of women in the workplace changed over time?
::妇女对工作场所的期望随着时间推移有何变化?

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How are boys and girls socialized to accept certain gender roles?
::男孩和女孩如何社会化,接受某些性别角色?

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Does gender influence social inequality in the United States?
::性别是否影响美国的社会不平等?

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Why is there still a wage gap between men and women in the workplace?
::为什么工作场所仍然存在男女工资差距?

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Should women be viewed any different than men in their abilities to achieve a goal?
::在实现目标的能力方面,是否应该将妇女视为不同于男子?

 

 

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Gender Roles and Identity
::性别角色和身份

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When filling out a document such as a job application or school registration form you are often asked to provide your name, address, phone number, birth date, and sex or gender. But have you ever been asked to provide your sex  and  your gender? As with most people, it may not have occurred to you that sex and gender are not the same. However, sociologists and most other social scientists view sex and gender as conceptually distinct.  Sex  refers to physical or physiological differences between males and females, including both primary sex characteristics (the reproductive system) and secondary characteristics such as height and muscularity.  Gender  is a term that refers to social or cultural distinctions associated with being male or female.  Gender identity  is the extent to which one identifies as being either masculine or feminine (Diamond 2002).
::在填写工作申请或学校登记表等文件时,通常要求您提供姓名、地址、电话号码、出生日期、性别或性别。但是,是否曾要求您提供性与性别?与大多数人一样,您可能没有想到性与性别是不一样的。然而,社会学家和其他大多数社会学家认为,性别与性别在概念上是不同的。性别是指男性和女性之间的身体或生理差异,包括主要性别特征(生殖系统)以及身高和肌肉等次要特征。性别是指与男女相关的社会或文化差异。性别认同是指男性或女性(Diamond,2002年)。性别认同是指男性或女性(Diamond,2002年)。

 

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While the biological differences between males and females are fairly straightforward, the social and cultural aspects of being a man or woman can be complicated. (Photo courtesy of FaceMePLS/flickr)
::虽然男女之间的生理差异相当直截了当,但男女的社会和文化方面可能比较复杂。 (FaceMepLS/Flickr的Photo礼节)

 

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A person’s sex, as determined by his or her biology, does not always correspond with his or her gender. Therefore, the terms  sex and  gender  are not interchangeable. A baby boy who is born with male genitalia will be identified as male. As he grows, however, he may identify with the feminine aspects of his culture. Since the term  sex  refers to biological or physical distinctions, characteristics of sex will not vary significantly between different human societies. For example, all persons of the female sex, in general, regardless of culture, will eventually menstruate and develop breasts that can lactate. Characteristics of gender, on the other hand, may vary greatly between different societies. For example, in American culture, it is considered feminine (or a trait of the female gender) to wear a dress or skirt. However, in many Middle Eastern, Asian, and African cultures, dresses or skirts (often referred to as sarongs, robes, or gowns) can be considered masculine. The kilt worn by a Scottish male does not make him appear feminine in his culture.
::一个人的性别,由他或她的生物学决定,并不总与他或她的性别相对应,因此,性别与性别的术语是不可互换的。出生在男性生殖器中的男婴将被确认为男性。然而,随着他的成长,他可能认同其文化中的女性方面。由于性别指的是生理或生理上的区别,性特征在不同的人类社会之间不会有很大的差别。例如,一般而言,所有女性的性别,不管文化如何,都会最终月经并发育出乳房,而乳房可以乳房。另一方面,不同社会之间的性别特征可能有很大差异。例如,在美国文化中,穿着装或裙子被视为女性(或女性性别的特征 ) 。 但是,在许多中东、亚洲和非洲文化、服装或裙子(通常被称为沙龙、袍或礼服)可以被视为男性。苏格兰男性穿的衣服在其文化中并不显得女性化。

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The dichotomous view of gender (the notion that one is either male or female) is specific to certain cultures and is not universal. In some cultures gender is viewed as fluid. In the past, some anthropologists used the term  berdache  to refer to individuals who occasionally or permanently dressed and lived as the opposite gender. The practice has been noted among certain Native American tribes (Jacobs, Thomas, and Lang 1997). Samoan culture accepts what they refer to as a “third gender.”  Fa’afafine , which translates as “the way of the woman,” is a term used to describe individuals who are born biologically male but embody both masculine and feminine traits. Fa’afafines are considered an important part of Samoan culture. Individuals from other cultures may mislabel them as homosexuals because fa’afafines have a varied sexual life that may include men or women (Poasa 1992).  
::性别的二分法观点(一个人是男性或女性的概念)是某些文化所特有的,不是普遍性的,在有些文化中,性别被视为流动的。过去,一些人类学家用贝塔希一词指偶尔或永久穿衣和作为异性生活的个人。这种做法在某些美洲土著部落(Jacobs、Thomas和Lang,1997年)中已经注意到了。萨摩亚文化接受他们所说的 " 第三个性别 " 。 Faafafine(翻译为 " 女人的方式 " )是一个用来描述生来就是男性但同时体现男性和女性特征的人的术语。法阿菲因人被视为萨摩亚文化的一个重要部分。来自其他文化的人可能会错误地把他们称为同性恋者,因为法阿菲恩人有着包括男人或妇女在内的不同性生活(Poasa,1992年)。

 

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The terms  sex  and  gender  have not always been differentiated in the English language. It was not until the 1950s that American and British psychologists and other professionals working with intersex and transsexual patients formally began distinguishing between sex and gender. Since then, psychological and physiological professionals have increasingly used the term gender (Moi 2005). By the end of the 21st century, expanding the proper usage of the term  gender  to everyday language became more challenging—particularly where legal language is concerned. In an effort to clarify usage of the terms sex  and  gender , U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia wrote in a 1994 briefing, “The word gender has acquired the new and useful connotation of cultural or attitudinal characteristics (as opposed to physical characteristics) distinctive to the sexes. That is to say, gender is to sex as feminine is to female and masculine is to male” ( J.E.B. v. Alabama , 144 S. Ct. 1436 [1994]). Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg had a different take, however. Viewing the words as synonymous, she freely swapped them in her briefings so as to avoid having the word “sex” pop up too often. It is thought that her secretary supported this practice by suggestions to Ginsberg that “those nine men” (the other Supreme Court justices), “hear that word and their first association is not the way you want them to be thinking” (Case 1995). This anecdote reveals that even human experience that is assumed to be biological and personal (such as our self-perception and behavior) is actually a socially defined variable by culture.
::直到1950年代,美国和英国的心理学家和与双性恋和变性患者合作的其他专业人员才正式开始区分性与性别,自此以来,心理和生理专业人员越来越多地使用性别一词(Moi 2005)。到21世纪末,将性别一词的适当使用扩大到日常语言变得更加具有挑战性,特别是在法律语言方面。为了澄清术语和性别的用法,美国最高法院法官Antonin Scalia在1994年的一次简报中写道,“性别一词已经获得与性别有区别的文化或态度特征(相对于身体特征)的新而有用的含义,自此以后,心理和生理专业人员越来越多地使用性别一词(J.E.B.诉阿拉巴马,144 S.Ct.1436 [1994])。最高法院法官Ruth Bade Ginsburg用不同的术语,但将这些词视为同义,她在她的通报中自由地将这些词转换为避免“性”个人或态度特点(相对于身体特征)与性别有区别,也就是说,“性别与男性之间的性别关系是真实的自我理解,”她认为,“她认为她自己的语言是另一种方式是“在1995年的自我理解中,”是另一种方式,她自己的语言,她认为,她认为,“她自己的语言是另一种方式是另一种方式是一种社会行为,她自己的语言是另一种方式,她自己的理解,她自己的语言是另一种方式,她认为,她自己的语言是另一种方式,她自己的理解,她的一种自我定义是一种语言是另一种方式,她的一种语言是另一种方式,她的一种自我定义,她的一种语言是一种语言是“她的一种自我定义,她的一种语言是“她的一种语言,她的一种语言,她的一种语言,她的一种语言,她的意思是“她的一种语言是她的一种理解,她的一种理解,她的意思是她的一种语言是她的一种语言,她的一种语言是一种语言是一种叫是一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种一种语言,她的一种方式,一种语言,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,她的一种方式,一种叫)。

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Gender Roles
::性别角色

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As we grow, we learn how to behave from those around us. In this socialization process, children are introduced to certain roles that are typically linked to their biological sex. The term  gender role  refers to society’s concept of how men and women are expected to act and how they should behave. These roles are based on norms, or standards, created by society. In American culture, masculine roles are usually associated with strength, aggression, and dominance, while feminine roles are usually associated with passivity, nurturing, and subordination. Role learning starts with socialization at birth. Even today, our society is quick to outfit male infants in blue and girls in pink, even applying these color-coded gender labels while a baby is in the womb.
::当我们成长的时候,我们从周围的人那里学习如何行为。在这个社会化过程中,儿童被引入某些通常与其生理性别相关的角色。“性别角色”一词指的是社会对男女行为及其行为方式的预期概念。这些角色以社会规范或标准为基础。在美国文化中,男性角色通常与力量、侵略和支配联系在一起,而女性角色通常与被动、培养和从属联系在一起。角色学习始于出生时的社会化。即使在今天,我们的社会也很快地将男性婴儿装扮成蓝色的,女孩则用粉红色的,甚至将这些有色标的性别标签用于婴儿在子宫里。

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One way children learn gender roles is through play. Parents typically supply boys with trucks, toy guns, and superhero paraphernalia, which are active toys that promote motor skills, aggression, and solitary play. Daughters are often given dolls and dress-up apparel that foster nurturing, social proximity, and role play. Studies have shown that children will most likely choose to play with “gender appropriate” toys (or same-gender toys) even when cross-gender toys are available because parents give children positive feedback (in the form of praise, involvement, and physical closeness) for gender normative behavior (Caldera, Huston, and O’Brien 1998).
::儿童学习性别角色的一种方式是玩耍。 家长通常向男孩提供卡车、玩具枪和超级超级超级超能卫星,它们都是能促进运动技能、攻击和单独玩耍的活性玩具。 女儿经常得到洋娃娃和服装,以培养养育、社交距离和角色扮演。 研究表明,即使存在跨性玩具,儿童也最可能选择玩“适合性别的”玩具(或同性玩具),因为父母对儿童性别规范行为(Caldera、Huston和O ' Brien,1998年)给予积极反馈(以赞扬、参与和身体亲密的形式 ) ( Caldera、Huston和O ' Brien,1998年)。

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Fathers tend to be more involved when their sons engage in gender appropriate activities such as sports. 
::当儿子从事体育等适合性别的活动时,父亲往往会更多地参与。

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The drive to adhere to masculine and feminine gender roles continues later in life. Men tend to outnumber women in professions such as law enforcement, the military, and politics. Women tend to outnumber men in care-related occupations such as childcare, healthcare, and social work. These occupational roles are examples of typical American male and female behavior, derived from our culture’s traditions. Adherence to them demonstrates fulfillment of social expectations but not necessarily personal preference (Diamond 2002).
::坚持男女两性角色的动力在晚年生活中继续存在,在执法、军事和政治等职业中,男子往往多于妇女,在儿童保育、保健和社会工作等与护理有关的职业中,妇女往往多于男子,这些职业角色是典型的美国男女行为的例子,源于我们的文化传统。 遵守这些角色表明了社会期望的实现,但不一定是个人偏好(Diamond,2002年)。

 

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Gender Identity
::性别认同

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American society allows for some level of flexibility when it comes to acting out gender roles. To a certain extent, men can assume some feminine roles and women can assume some masculine roles without interfering with their gender identity.  Gender identity  is an individual’s self-conception of being male or female based on his or her association with masculine or feminine gender roles.  
::美国社会在发挥性别角色时允许一定程度的灵活性。 在某种程度上,男性可以承担某些女性角色,女性可以承担某些男性角色,而不会干扰其性别认同。 性别认同是个人基于与男性或女性角色的关系而自我认识的男性或女性。

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Gender as a Social Construction
::性别作为一种社会建设

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If sex is a biological concept, then   is a social concept. It refers to the social and cultural differences a society assigns to people based on their (biological) sex. A related concept,  , refers to a society’s expectations of people’s behavior and attitudes based on whether they are females or males. Understood in this way, gender, like race is a  social construction . How we think and behave as females and males is not etched in stone by our biology but rather is a result of how society expects us to think and behave based on what sex we are. As we grow up, we learn these expectations as we develop our  , or our beliefs about ourselves as females or males.
::如果性别是一个生物概念,那么它就是一个社会概念。它指的是社会根据(生物)性别给人分配的社会和文化差异。一个相关的概念,它是指社会对人的行为和态度的期望,根据是女性还是男性。这样理解,性别,像种族一样,是一种社会结构。我们作为男性和女性的思维和行为方式并不是我们生物学的石碑上的刻画,而是社会期望我们根据什么性别来思考和行为的结果。随着我们长大,我们随着我们成长,随着我们发展我们作为女性或男性的信念,我们学会了这些期望。

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These expectations are called  femininity  and  masculinity .   refers to the cultural expectations we have of girls and women, while   refers to the expectations we have of boys and men.
::这些期望被称为 " 女性和男性 " ,指的是我们对女孩和妇女的文化期望,同时也是指我们对男孩和男子的期望。

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A familiar nursery rhyme nicely summarizes these two sets of traits:
::熟悉的苗圃押韵很好地总结了这两组特征:

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What are little boys made of?
::小男孩是用什么做成的?

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Snips and snails,
::鼻涕和蜗牛,

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And puppy dog tails,
::还有小狗尾巴

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That’s what little boys are made of.
::这就是小男孩的造型。

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What are little girls made of?
::小女孩是什么做的?

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Sugar and spice,
::糖和香料,

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And everything nice,
::和每件事物美好,

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That’s what little girls are made of.
::这就是小女孩的造物。

 

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As this nursery rhyme suggests, our traditional notions of femininity and masculinity indicate that we think females and males are fundamentally different from each other. In effect, we think of them as two sides of the same coin of being human. What we traditionally mean by femininity is captured in the adjectives, both positive and negative, we traditionally ascribe to women: gentle, sensitive, nurturing, delicate, graceful, cooperative, decorative, dependent, emotional, passive, and weak. Thus when we say that a girl or woman is very feminine, we have some combination of these traits, usually the positive ones, in mind: she is soft, dainty, pretty, even a bit flighty. What we traditionally mean by masculinity is captured in the adjectives, again both positive and negative, our society traditionally ascribes to men: strong, assertive, brave, active, independent, intelligent, competitive, insensitive, unemotional, and aggressive. When we say that a boy or man is very masculine, we have some combination of these traits in mind: he is tough, strong, and assertive.
::正如这段押韵所暗示的,我们传统的女性和男性概念表明,我们认为女性和男性之间有着根本的不同。实际上,我们认为,女性和男性是同一枚人类硬币的两面。我们传统上所说的女性是正面的和负面的形容词。我们传统上认为女性是女性:温柔、敏感、培养、微妙、优雅、合作、装饰、依赖、情感、被动和软弱。因此,当我们说一个女孩或妇女非常女性时,我们有一些这些特征的组合,通常是正面特征的组合,在思想上:她柔软、软弱、漂亮、甚至是有点滑稽。我们传统上说男性的形容词是正面的和负面的,我们社会传统上对男性的描述是:强壮、自信、勇敢、积极、主动、独立、聪明、竞争、敏感、不感动人和攻击性。当我们说一个男孩或男人是非常男性的时候,我们有一些这些特征的组合:他很坚强、坚强、坚定和坚定。

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These traits might sound like stereotypes of females and males in today’s society, and to some extent they are, but differences between men and women in attitudes and behavior do in fact exist (Aulette, Wittner, & Blakeley, 2009). Aulette, J. R., Wittner, J., & Blakeley, K. (2009).  Gendered worlds . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.  For example, women cry more often than men do. Men are more physically violent than women. Women take care of children more than men do. Women smile more often than men. Men curse more often than women. When women talk with each other, they are more likely to talk about their personal lives than men are when they talk with each other (Tannen, 2001). Tannen, D. (2001).  You just don’t understand: Women and men in conversation . New York, NY: Quill. The two sexes even differ when they hold a cigarette (not that anyone should smoke). When a woman holds a cigarette, she usually has the palm of her cigarette-holding hand facing upward. When a man holds a cigarette, he usually has his palm facing downward.
::这些特征可能听起来像当今社会中对男女的陈规定型观念一样,在某种程度上,这些特征可能听起来像对女性和男性的陈规定型观念,但事实上确实存在男女在态度和行为上的差异(Aulette, Wittner, & Blakeley, 2009年)。Aulette, J. R., Wittner, J. & Blakeley, K. (2009年)。性别化的世界。纽约:牛津大学出版社。例如,女性比男性更经常哭泣。男性更暴力。男性比男性更关心孩子。女性比男性更关注孩子。女性比男性更经常微笑。男性更经常骂人。当女性相互交谈时,她们更可能谈论自己的个人生活,而不是男性相互交谈时(Tannen, 2001年),Tannen, D. (2001年)。你只是不明白:男女在交谈中。纽约:Quill.当她们拿着一根烟(而不是任何人吸烟)时,两种性别甚至不同。当女人拿着一根烟时,通常手向上。当男人向上手时,他通常会向上手向上手时会往上。

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Infant girls traditionally wear pink, while infant boys wear blue. This color difference reflects the different cultural expectations we have for babies based on their (biological) sex.
::婴儿女孩传统上穿粉色,而婴儿男孩则穿蓝色,这种颜色差异反映了我们根据婴儿(生物)性别对婴儿的不同文化期望。

 

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The Development of Gender Differences
::性别差异的发展

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What accounts for differences in female and male behavior and attitudes? Do the biological differences between the sexes account for other differences? Or do these latter differences stem, as most sociologists think, from cultural expectations and from differences in the ways in which the sexes are socialized? These are critical questions, for they ask whether the differences between boys and girls and women and men stem more from biology or from society. As   pointed out, biological explanations for human behavior implicitly support the status quo. If we think behavioral and other differences between the sexes are due primarily to their respective biological makeups, we are saying that these differences are inevitable or nearly so and that any attempt to change them goes against biology and will likely fail.
::男女行为和态度的差异是什么原因? 男女之间的生物差异是其他差异的原因吗? 或者,正如大多数社会学家所认为的,后一种差异是源于文化期望和两性社会化方式的差异吗? 这些都是关键问题,因为他们问男孩和女孩以及妇女和男子之间的差异是更多地源于生物学还是来自社会。 如上所述,人类行为的生物学解释暗含着支持现状。 如果我们认为两性的行为和其他差异主要源于各自的生物构成,那么我们就是说,这些差异是不可避免的还是几乎是不可避免的,任何改变这些差异的企图都会违背生物学,而且很可能失败。

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As an example, consider the obvious biological fact that women bear and nurse children and men do not. Couple this with the common view that women are also more gentle and nurturing than men, and we end up with a “biological recipe” for women to be the primary caretakers of children. Many people think this means women are therefore much better suited than men to take care of children once they are born, and that the family might be harmed if mothers work outside the home or if fathers are the primary caretakers.   shows that more than one-third of the public agrees that “it is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.” To the extent this belief exists, women may not want to work outside the home or, if they choose to do so, they face difficulties from employers, family, and friends. Conversely, men may not even think about wanting to stay at home and may themselves face difficulties from employees, family, and friends if they want to do so. A belief in a strong biological basis for differences between women and men implies, then, that there is little we can or should do to change these differences. It implies that “anatomy is destiny,” and destiny is, of course, by definition inevitable.
::举个例子,考虑到妇女生育和养育子女和男子的明显生物学事实,例如,妇女生儿育女和哺乳子女与男子没有明显的生物学事实; 结合妇女比男子更温柔和、更富养的共同观点,我们最后采用一种“生物配方”,让妇女成为儿童的主要照料者; 因此,许多人认为,这意味着妇女出生后比男人更适合照料子女,如果母亲在家庭外工作或父亲是主要照料者,家庭可能受到伤害; 这表明,超过三分之一的公众同意,“如果男子是家庭以外的成就者,而妇女照顾家庭和家庭,对参与其中的每一个人都好得多。” 在这种信念存在的情况下,妇女可能不想在家庭外工作,或者,如果她们选择这样做,她们会面临雇主、家庭和朋友的困难。 相反,男子甚至不会想到要留在家里,如果他们愿意这样做,就会面临雇员、家庭和朋友的困难。 相信男女差异的强烈生物基础意味着,那么,我们几乎不能或应该改变命运,这意味着“我的命运是不可避免的”。

 

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Figure 11.1  Belief That Women Should Stay at Home
::图11.1 认为妇女应留在家中的信念

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Agreement or disagreement with statement that “it is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.”
::同意或不同意“如果男子是家庭外的创造者,而妇女照顾家庭与家庭,对所有有关的人都好得多”的说法。

 

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Gender and Socialization
::性别与社会化

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The phrase “boys will be boys” is often used to justify behavior such as pushing, shoving, or other forms of aggression from young boys. The phrase implies that such behavior is unchangeable and something that is part of a boy’s nature. Aggressive behavior, when it does not inflict significant harm, is often accepted from boys and men because it is congruent with the cultural script for masculinity. The “script” written by society is in some ways similar to a script written by a playwright. Just as a playwright expects actors to adhere to a prescribed script, society expects women and men to behave according to the expectations of their respective gender role. Scripts are generally learned through a process known as socialization, which teaches people to behave according to social norms.
::“男孩将是男孩”这一短语常常被用来为诸如推动、推挤或来自年轻男孩的其他形式的侵犯等行为辩护,该短语意味着这种行为是不可改变的,并且是男孩性质的一部分。 当它不造成重大伤害时,男孩和男人往往会接受侵略性行为,因为它与男性文化文稿一致。 社会写的“手稿”在某些方面类似于剧作家写的剧本。 正如剧作家期望演员遵守规定的剧本一样,社会期望妇女和男子按照各自性别角色的期望行事。 剧本通常通过一种叫作社会化的过程来学习,这个过程教育人们按照社会规范行事。

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Traditional images of American gender roles reinforce the idea that women should be subordinate to men. (Photo courtesy of Sport Suburban/flickr)
::美国传统性别角色形象强化了妇女应当从属于男子的观念。 (体育郊区/闪烁式运动礼仪)

 

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Socialization
::社会化

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Children learn at a young age that there are distinct expectations for boys and girls. Cross-cultural studies reveal that children are aware of gender roles by age two or three. At four or five, most children are firmly entrenched in culturally appropriate gender roles (Kane 1996). Children acquire these roles through socialization, a process in which people learn to behave in a particular way as dictated by societal values, beliefs, and attitudes. For example, society often views riding a motorcycle as a masculine activity and, therefore, considers it to be part of the male gender role. Attitudes such as this are typically based on stereotypes, oversimplified notions about members of a group. Gender stereotyping involves overgeneralizing about the attitudes, traits, or behavior patterns of women or men. For example, women may be thought of as too timid or weak to ride a motorcycle.
::跨文化研究显示,儿童在2岁或3岁之前了解性别角色; 4岁或5岁时,大多数儿童都牢固地扎根于文化上适当的性别角色(Kane,1996年); 儿童通过社会化获得这些角色,在这个过程中,人们学会按照社会价值观、信仰和态度以特定方式行事; 例如,社会往往将骑摩托车视为男性活动,因此认为摩托车是男性角色的一部分,这种态度通常基于陈规定型观念、过于简单化的关于一个群体成员的概念; 性别陈规定型观念涉及过度概括妇女或男子的态度、特征或行为模式,例如,妇女可能被认为过于胆怯或无力骑摩托车。

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Although our society may have a stereotype that associates motorcycles with men, female bikers demonstrate that a woman’s place extends far beyond the kitchen in modern America. (Photo courtesy of Robert Couse-Baker/flickr)
::尽管我们的社会可能有一种将摩托车与男性联系在一起的定型观念,但女性自行车骑手却表明,在现代美国,妇女的地位远远超出厨房。 (罗伯特·库斯-贝克/弗利克的Photo礼仪)

 

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Gender stereotypes form the basis of sexism.  Sexism   refers to prejudiced beliefs that value one sex over another. Sexism varies in its level of severity. In parts of the world where women are strongly undervalued, young girls may not be given the same access to nutrition, healthcare, and education as boys. Further, they will grow up believing that they deserve to be treated differently from boys (UNICEF 2011; Thorne 1993). While illegal in the United States when practiced as discrimination, unequal treatment of women continues to pervade social life. It should be noted that discrimination based on sex occurs at both the micro- and macro-levels. Many sociologists focus on discrimination that is built into the social structure; this type of discrimination is known as institutional discrimination (Pincus 2008).
::性别陈规定型观念是性别主义的基础。性别主义是指重视不同性别的偏见。性别主义在严重程度上各不相同。在世界妇女被严重低估的地区,年轻女孩可能得不到与男孩同等的营养、保健和教育机会。此外,她们长大后会认为,她们应该得到与男孩不同的待遇(儿童基金会,2011年;Torne,1993年)。在美国,当作为歧视的做法发生时,妇女受到的不平等待遇仍然是非法的,但在社会生活中仍然普遍存在。应该指出,性别歧视在微观和宏观层面都存在。许多社会学家关注社会结构中固有的歧视;这类歧视被称为体制歧视(Pincus,2008年)。

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Gender socialization occurs through four major agents of socialization: family, education, peer groups, and mass media. Each agent reinforces gender roles by creating and maintaining normative expectations for gender-specific behavior. Exposure also occurs through secondary agents such as religion and the workplace. Repeated exposure to these agents over time leads men and women into a false sense that they are acting naturally rather than following a socially constructed role.

::性别社会化是通过社会化的四大因素发生的:家庭、教育、同龄群体和大众媒体;每个因素通过创造和维持对特定性别行为的规范期望来强化性别角色;接触也通过宗教和工作场所等次要因素发生;随着时间的推移,反复接触这些因素导致男女产生一种虚假的感觉,认为他们的行为是自然的,而不是遵循社会构建的角色。

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Family is the first agent of socialization. There is considerable evidence that parents socialize sons and daughters differently. Generally speaking, girls are given more latitude to step outside of their prescribed gender role (Coltrane and Adams 2004; Kimmel 2000; Raffaelli and Ontai 2004). However, differential socialization typically results in greater privileges afforded to sons. For instance, boys are allowed more autonomy and independence at an earlier age than daughters. They may be given fewer restrictions on appropriate clothing, dating habits, or curfew. Sons are also often free from performing domestic duties such as cleaning or cooking and other household tasks that are considered feminine. Daughters are limited by their expectation to be passive and nurturing, generally obedient, and to assume many of the domestic responsibilities.
::家庭是社会化的第一个因素,有相当多的证据表明,父母将儿子和女儿社会化不同,一般而言,女孩有更大的自由度,可以超越其规定的性别角色(Coltrane和Adams;2004年;Kimmel;2000年;Raffaelli和Ontai,2004年),但是,不同的社会化通常会给儿子带来更大的特权,例如,男孩比女儿年纪较早时可以享有更多的自主和独立,对适当的服装、约会习惯或宵禁可以少一些限制,儿子也往往可以免去履行家务,例如清洁或烹饪,以及被视为女性的其他家务,女儿由于期望她们被动地、养育、一般服从、承担许多家庭责任而受到限制。

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Even when parents set gender equality as a goal, there may be underlying indications of inequality. For example, when dividing up household chores, boys may be asked to take out the garbage or perform other tasks that require strength or toughness, while girls may be asked to fold laundry or perform duties that require neatness and care. It has been found that fathers are firmer in their expectations for gender conformity than are mothers, and their expectations are stronger for sons than they are for daughters (Kimmel 2000). This is true in many types of activities, including preference of toys, play styles, discipline, chores, and personal achievements. As a result, boys tend to be particularly attuned to their father’s disapproval when engaging in an activity that might be considered feminine, like dancing or singing (Coltraine and Adams 2008). It should be noted that parental socialization and normative expectations vary along lines of social class, race, and ethnicity. African-American families, for instance, are more likely than Caucasians to model an egalitarian role structure for their children (Staples and Boulin Johnson 2004).
::即便父母把男女平等作为目标,也可能存在不平等的基本迹象;例如,在分担家务时,可能要求男孩倒垃圾或从事需要力量或强力的其他工作,而女孩则被要求折叠衣服或从事需要整洁和照顾的工作;人们发现,父亲比母亲更强烈地期望遵守性别标准,他们对儿子的期望比对女儿的期望更大(Kimmel,2000年)。许多类型的活动,包括喜欢玩具、玩耍风格、纪律、家务和个人成就,情况就是这样。因此,在从事可能被视为女性的活动时,男孩往往特别与父亲的反对一致,如跳舞或唱歌(Coltraine和Adams,2008年)。应该指出,父母的社会化和规范期望与社会阶层、种族和族裔不同。例如,非裔美国人家庭比高加索人更有可能为其子女树立平等的角色结构(Staples和Boulin Johnson,2004年)。

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The reinforcement of gender roles and stereotypes continues once a child reaches school age. Until very recently, schools were rather explicit in their efforts to stratify boys and girls. The first step toward stratification was segregation. Girls were encouraged to take home economics or humanities courses and boys to take math and science courses.
::一旦儿童达到学龄,强化性别角色和陈规定型观念的工作就会继续,直到最近,学校在对男孩和女孩实行分层教育的努力中表现得相当明确,走向分层化的第一步是隔离,鼓励女孩上家政学或人文课程,鼓励男孩上数学和科学课程。

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Studies suggest that gender socialization still occurs in schools today, perhaps in less obvious forms (Lips 2004). Teachers may not even realize that they are acting in ways that reproduce gender differentiated behavior patterns. Yet, any time they ask students to arrange their seats or line up according to gender, teachers are asserting that boys and girls should be treated differently (Thorne 1993).
::研究表明,如今学校仍然存在性别社会化现象,也许形式不那么明显(Lips 2004 ) 。 教师甚至可能没有意识到他们的行为方式复制了性别差异的行为模式。 然而,每当他们要求学生按照性别安排座位或排队时,教师都声称男孩和女孩应该受到不同的待遇(Thorne 1993 )。

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Even in levels as low as kindergarten, schools subtly convey messages to girls indicating that they are less intelligent or less important than boys. For example, in a study involving teacher responses to male and female students, data indicated that teachers praised male students far more than their female counterparts. Additionally, teachers interrupted girls more and gave boys more opportunities to expand on their ideas (Sadker and Sadker 1994). Further, in social as well as academic situations, teachers have traditionally positioned boys and girls oppositionally—reinforcing a sense of competition rather than collaboration (Thorne 1993). Boys are also permitted a greater degree of freedom regarding rule-breaking or minor acts of deviance, whereas girls are expected to follow rules carefully and to adopt an obedient posture (Ready 2001). Schools reinforce the polarization of gender roles and the age-old “battle of the sexes” by positioning girls and boys in competitive arrangements.
::例如,在涉及教师对男女学生的反应的一项研究中,数据显示,教师对男学生的赞誉远高于对女学生的赞美;此外,教师打断女生的课外活动,让男生有更多机会扩大自己的想法(Sadker和Sadker,1994年);此外,在社会和学术方面,教师传统上将男女学生定位为反对派而不是合作派(Thorne,1993年);在违反规则或轻微的偏离行为方面,也允许男生享有更大程度的自由,而女孩则要认真遵守规则,采取服从的态度(Ready,2001年)。 学校通过将男女学生定位在竞争安排中,强化性别角色的两极分化和“性别的战斗”。

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Mimicking the actions of significant others is the first step in the development of a separate sense of self (Mead 1934). Like adults, children become agents who actively facilitate and apply normative gender expectations to those around them. When children do not conform to the appropriate gender role, they may face negative sanctions such as being criticized or marginalized by their peers. Though many of these sanctions are informal, they can be quite severe. For example, a girl who wishes to take karate class instead of dance lessons may be called a “tomboy” and face difficulty gaining acceptance from both male and female peer groups (Ready 2001). Boys, especially, are subject to intense ridicule for gender nonconformity (Coltrane and Adams 2004; Kimmel 2000).
::将其他重要群体的行为混为一谈是培养单独自我意识的第一步(Mead 1934)。与成人一样,儿童成为积极促进和运用规范性别期望的代理人,积极促进和适用其周围的人,当儿童不履行适当的性别角色时,他们可能面临负面制裁,例如受到同龄人的批评或边缘化,虽然许多制裁是非正式的,但可能非常严厉。例如,希望参加空手道班而不是舞蹈课的女孩可能被称为“小混混”,难以获得男女同龄群体的接受(Ready 2001)。男孩尤其因性别不相容而受到激烈的嘲笑(Coltrane和Adams,2004年;Kimmel,2000年)。

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Mass media serves as another significant agent of gender socialization. In television and movies, women tend to have less significant roles and are often portrayed as wives or mothers. When women are given a lead role, they are often one of two extremes: a wholesome, saint-like figure or a malevolent, hypersexual figure (Etaugh and Bridges 2003). This same inequality is pervasive in children’s movies (Smith 2008). Research indicates that of the 101 top-grossing G-rated movies released between 1990 and 2005, three out of four characters were male. Out of those 101 movies, only seven were near being gender balanced, with a character ratio of less than 1.5 males per 1 female (Smith 2008).
::在电视和电影中,妇女的角色往往不那么重要,往往被描绘成妻子或母亲,当妇女被赋予主导角色时,她们往往是两个极端之一:一个健康、像圣人一样的人物,或男性、双性恋的人物(Etough和Bridges,2003年)。 在儿童电影中,这种不平等十分普遍(Smith,2008年)。 研究表明,1990年至2005年间,101部最有名的G级电影中,男性占四分之三。 在这101部电影中,只有7部接近性别平衡,其性格比例低于每1名女性的1.5名男性(Smith,2008年)。

 

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Television commercials and other forms of advertising also reinforce inequality and gender-based stereotypes. Women are almost exclusively present in ads promoting cooking, cleaning, or childcare-related products (Davis 1993). Think about the last time you saw a man star in a dishwasher or laundry detergent commercial. In general, women are underrepresented in roles that involve leadership, intelligence, or a balanced psyche. Of particular concern is the depiction of women in ways that are dehumanizing, especially in music videos. Even in mainstream advertising, however, themes intermingling violence and sexuality are quite common (Kilbourne 2000).
::电视广告和其他形式广告也加剧了不平等和基于性别的陈规定型观念,妇女几乎完全出现在推广烹饪、清洁或与儿童保育有关的产品的广告中(Davis,1993年); 想想最后一次你看到男明星在洗碗机或洗衣洗涤剂广告中出现的情况; 一般来说,妇女在涉及领导、智慧或平衡精神的角色中的代表性不足; 特别令人关注的是,妇女被描绘的方式非人化,特别是在音乐录像中。 然而,即使在主流广告中,暴力和性之间交织在一起的主题也很普遍(Kilbourne,2000年)。

 

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Social Stratification and Inequality
::社会排斥和不平等

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Stratification refers to a system in which groups of people experience unequal access to basic, yet highly valuable, social resources. The United States is characterized by gender stratification (as well as stratification of race, income, occupation, and the like). Evidence of gender stratification is especially keen within the economic realm. Despite making up nearly half (49.8 percent) of payroll employment, men vastly outnumber women in authoritative, powerful, and, therefore, high-earning jobs (U.S. Census Bureau 2010). Even when a woman’s employment status is equal to a man’s, she will generally only make 77 cents for every dollar made by her male counterpart (U.S. Census Bureau 2010). Additionally, women who are in the paid labor force still do the majority of the unpaid work at home. On an average day, 84 percent of women (compared to 67 percent of men) spend time doing household management activities (U.S. Census Bureau 2011). This double duty keeps working women in a subordinate role in the family structure (Hochschild and Machung 1989).
::分层制度是指人们群体在获得基本但价值很高的社会资源方面经历不平等的体系。美国的特点是性别分层(以及种族、收入、职业等的分层 ) 。 性别分层的证据在经济领域尤为明显。 尽管占工资就业的近一半(49.8%),但男性在权威、权力和高收入岗位上的人数大大超过女性(美国人口普查局,2010年 ) 。 即使女性的就业地位与男性相同,她通常也只为其男性对应方(美国人口普查局,2010年 ) 创造每1美元的77美分。 此外,在有偿劳动大军中工作的妇女仍然在家里从事大部分无酬工作,平均每天有84%的妇女(男性为67% ) 花在家庭管理活动上(美国人口普查局,2011年 )。即使女性的就业地位与男性相同,但工作妇女在家庭结构中仍然处于从属地位(Hochschil和Machung,1989年)。

  

 

 

  

 

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Gender stratification through the division of labor is not exclusively American. According to George Murdock’s classic work,  Outline of World Cultures  (1954), all societies classify work by gender. When a pattern appears in all societies, it is called a cultural universal. While the phenomenon of assigning work by gender is universal, its specifics are not. The same task is not assigned to either men or women worldwide. But the way each task’s associated gender is valued is notable. In Murdock’s examination of the division of labor among 324 societies around the world, he found that in nearly all cases the jobs assigned to men were given greater prestige (Murdock and White 1968). Even if the job types were very similar and the differences slight, men’s work was still considered more vital.
::根据乔治·默多克的经典著作《世界文化纲要》(1954年),所有社会都将工作按性别分类。 当一种模式出现在所有社会时,它被称为文化普遍性。 虽然性别分工现象是普遍性的,但其具体特征并非如此。 同一任务并没有分配给全世界男女,但每个任务的相关性别的价值都值得注意。 在默多克对全世界324个社会劳动分工的审查中,他发现几乎所有情况下分配给男性的工作都获得了更高的威望(穆多克和怀特1968年 ) 。 即使工作类型非常相似,差异很小,男性的工作仍然被认为更为重要。

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There is a long history of gender stratification in the United States. When looking to the past, it would appear that society has made great strides in terms of abolishing some of the most blatant forms of gender inequality (see timeline below) but underlying effects of male dominance still permeate many aspects of society.
::美国有着长期的性别分层历史,在展望过去时,社会似乎在废除某些最公然的两性不平等形式(见下文时间表)方面取得了长足进步,但男性主导地位的根本影响仍然渗透到社会的许多方面。

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• Before 1809—Women could not execute a will
  ::1809年之前——妇女不能执行遗嘱
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• Before 1840—Women were not allowed to own or control property
  ::1840年以前——不允许妇女拥有或控制财产
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• Before 1920—Women were not permitted to vote
  ::1920年以前——妇女不得投票
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• Before 1963—Employers could legally pay a woman less than a man for the same work
  ::1963年以前——雇主可以依法向从事相同工作的妇女支付低于男子的工资
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• Before 1973—Women did not have the right to a safe and legal abortion (Imbornoni 2009)
  ::1973年以前——妇女没有获得安全和合法堕胎的权利(2009年,伊姆伯诺尼)

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In some cultures, women do all of the household chores with no help from men, as doing housework is a sign of weakness, considered by society as a feminine trait. 
::在一些文化中,妇女做所有家务时都得不到男子的帮助,因为做家务是社会认为是女性特征的弱点。

 

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Gender Inequality in the United States
::美国的两性不平等

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The women’s movement changed American life in many ways but gender inequality still persists. Let’s look at examples of such inequality, much of it taking the form of institutional discrimination,  can occur even if it is not intended to happen. We start with gender inequality in income and the workplace and then move on to a few other spheres of life.
::妇女运动在许多方面改变了美国的生活,但性别不平等依然存在。 让我们看看这种不平等的例子 — — 大部分表现为体制歧视 — — 即使不是有意的 — — 也可能发生。 我们从收入和工作场所的性别不平等开始,然后进入其他几个生活领域。

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Income and Workplace Inequality
::收入和工作场所不平等

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In the last few decades, women have entered the workplace in increasing numbers, partly, and for many women mostly, out of economic necessity and partly out of desire for the sense of self-worth and other fulfillment that comes with work. This is true not only in the United States but also in other nations, including Japan, where views of women are more traditional than those in the United States (see the “Learning From Other Societies” box). In February 2010, 58.9% of U.S. women aged 16 or older were in the labor force, compared to only 43.3% in 1970; comparable figures for men were 71.0% in 2010 and 79.7% in 1970 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2010). Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2010). Employment & earnings online. Retrieved from   Thus while women’s labor force participation continues to lag behind men’s, they have narrowed the gap. The figures just cited include women of retirement age. When we just look at younger women, labor force participation is even higher. For example, 76.1% of women aged 35–44 were in the labor force in 2008, compared to only 46.8% in 1970.
::在过去几十年中,妇女进入工作场所的人数越来越多,其中一部分是女性,大部分是女性,她们进入工作场所的时间越来越多,大部分是出于经济需要,部分是出于对工作带来的自我价值感和其他成就感的渴望。 这不仅在美国如此,在包括日本在内的其他国家也是如此,日本女性的观点比美国更为传统(见“从其他社会学习 ” 盒子 ) 。 2010年2月,美国16岁或16岁以上的女性中有58.9%在劳动力队伍中,而1970年仅为43.3%;2010年男性的可比数字为71.0%,1970年为79.7%(劳动统计局,2010年)。 劳工统计局(2010年) 。 在线就业和收入。 因此,当女性劳动力参与率继续落后于男性时,它们缩小了差距。 刚刚引用的数字包括女性退休年龄。 当我们只看年轻女性时,劳动力参与率甚至更高。 例如,2008年,35-44岁的女性中有76.1%在劳动力队伍中,而1970年只有46.8 % 。

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The United Nations Development Programme ranks nations on a “gender empowerment measure” of women’s involvement in their nation’s economy and political life. Of the 93 nations included in the measure, Norway ranks 1st, while Japan ranks 54th, the lowest among the world’s industrial nations (Watkins, 2007). Watkins, K. (2007).  Human development report 2007/2008 . New York, NY: United Nations Development Programme.  This contrast provides some lessons for the status of women in the United States, which ranked only 15th.
::联合国开发计划署(UNDP)在妇女参与其国家经济和政治生活的 " 性别赋权措施 " 上排名国家。 在措施包括的93个国家中,挪威排名第一,日本排名第五十四,在世界工业国家中位居第一位(Watkins,2007年)。Watkins, K.(2007年)。《2007/2008年人类发展报告》,纽约,纽约:联合国开发计划署。这一对比为美国妇女地位提供了一些教训,而美国只占第15位。

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Japan has historically been a nation with very traditional gender expectations. As the image of the woman’s  geisha  role in Japan illustrates, Japanese women have long been thought to be men’s helpmates and subordinates. As Linda Schneider and Arnold Silverman (2010, p. 39) Schneider, L., & Silverman, A. (2010).  Global sociology: Introducing five contemporary societies  (5th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.  put it,
::日本历来是一个有着非常传统的性别期望的国家。 正如日本女性艺伎角色的形象所显示的那样,日本女性长期以来一直被认为是男性的帮手和下属。 正如Linda Schneider和Arnold Silverman(2010年,第39页)Schneider,L., & Silverman,A.(2010年)。全球社会学:引入五个当代社会(第5版)。纽约:McGraw-Hill。

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The subordination of women is built into Japanese institutions, shaping family life, education, and the economy. Women are seen as fundamentally different from men and inferior to men. Almost everyone assumes that the purpose of a woman’s life is to serve others: her children, her husband, perhaps her in-laws, the men at work.
::女性的从属地位存在于日本体制中,塑造了家庭生活、教育和经济。 女性被视为与男性有根本的区别,不如男性。 几乎所有人都认为女性生活的目的是为他人服务:她的孩子、她的丈夫,或许是她的姻亲,还有在工作的男性。

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Many more Japanese women work outside the home now than just a few decades ago and now make up almost half the labor force. However, the percentage of all management jobs held by women was just 10.1% in 2005, up only slightly from its 6.6% level in 1985. Japan’s work culture that demands 15-hour days is partly responsible for this low percentage, as it is difficult for women to meet this expectation and still bear and raise children. Another reason is outright employment discrimination. Although Japan enacted an equal opportunity law for women’s employment in 1985, the law is more symbolic than real because the only penalty it provides for violations is the publication of the names of the violators (Fackler, 2007). Fackler, M. (2007, August 6). Career women in Japan find a blocked path.  The New York Times , p. A1.
::与几十年前相比,现在有更多的日本妇女走出家门工作,现在几乎占了劳动力的一半。 然而,2005年,妇女在所有管理岗位中所占的百分比只有10.1%,仅比1985年的6.6%略高。 要求15小时的工作文化是造成这一低比例的部分原因,因为妇女很难满足这一期望,她们仍然抚养和抚养子女。 另一个原因是完全的就业歧视。 尽管日本于1985年颁布了妇女就业机会平等法,但该法具有象征意义,而不是真实性,因为它对违法行为的唯一惩罚是公布违法者的姓名(Fackler, 2007,Fackler, M.(2007年,8月 ), M.(2007年, 6月 ) 。 日本职业妇女找到一条堵塞的道路。 《纽约时报》,第A1页。

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In sharp contrast, Norway has made a concerted effort to boost women’s involvement in the business and political worlds (Sumer, Smithson, Guerreiro, & Granlund, 2008). Sumer, S., Smithson, J., Guerreiro, M. d. D., & Granlund, L. (2008). Becoming working mothers: Reconciling work and family at three particular workplaces in Norway, the UK, and Portugal.  Community, Work & Family, 11 (4), 365–384.  Like other Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Sweden) that also rank at the top of the UN’s gender empowerment measure, Norway is a social democratic welfare state characterized by extensive government programs and other efforts to promote full economic and gender equality. Its government provides day care for children and adult care for older or disabled individuals, and it also provides 44 weeks of paid parental leave after the birth of a child. Parents can also work fewer hours without losing income until their child is 2 years of age. All of these provisions mean that women are much more likely than their American counterparts to have the freedom and economic means to work outside the home, and they have taken advantage of this opportunity. As a recent analysis concluded,
::与此形成鲜明对比的是,挪威做出了协调一致的努力,促进妇女参与商业和政治世界(Sumer、Smitson、Smitson、Guerreiro、和Granlund,2008年)。 苏默、S、Smitson、J、Guerreiro、M.d.D、Granlund、L.(2008年)。 成为工作母亲:在挪威、联合王国和葡萄牙三个特定工作场所协调工作和家庭。 社区、工作和家庭,11(4)、365-384。 与其他北欧国家(丹麦、芬兰、瑞典)一样,挪威也处于联合国性别赋权措施的首位。 挪威是一个社会民主福利国家,其特点是政府实施广泛的方案和其他促进全面经济和性别平等的努力。挪威政府为老年人或残疾人提供日托和成人护理,并在孩子出生后提供44周带薪育儿假。父母也可以在不到孩子2岁之前减少工作时间,但不会失去收入。 所有这些规定都意味着妇女比美国的同行(丹麦、芬兰、瑞典)更有可能拥有家庭外工作的自由和经济手段。最近,他们利用了这一机会。

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It has been extremely important for women that social rights have been extended to cover such things as the caring of young children and elderly, sick and disabled members of society. In the Nordic countries, women have been more successful than elsewhere in combining their dual role as mothers and workers, and social policy arrangements are an integral part of the gender equality policy. (Kangas & Palme, 2009, p. S65) Kangas, O., & Palme, J. (2009). Making social policy work for economic development: The Nordic experience [Supplement].  International Journal of Social Welfare, 18 (s1), S62–S72.
::对妇女来说,极为重要的是,社会权利已扩大到包括照顾年幼儿童和老人、患病和残疾的社会成员等事项,在北欧国家,妇女比其他地方更成功地将母亲和工人的双重角色结合起来,社会政策安排是两性平等政策的一个组成部分。 (Kangas & Palme,2009年,第S65-Kangas,O.,和Palme,J.(2009),使社会政策有利于经济发展:北欧经验[补充],《国际社会福利杂志》,18(s1),S62-S72。

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While the United States ranks much higher than Japan on the UN’s gender empowerment measure, it ranks substantially lower than Norway and the other Nordic nations. An important reason for these nations’ higher ranking is government policy that enables women to work outside the home if they want to do so. The experience of these nations indicates that greater gender equality might be achieved in the United States if it adopted policies similar to those found in these nations that make it easier for women to join and stay in the labor force.
::尽管美国在联合国的性别赋权措施方面比日本高得多,但比挪威和其他北欧国家要低得多。 这些国家排名较高的一个重要原因是政府政策允许妇女想在家庭之外工作,只要她们愿意。 这些国家的经验表明,如果美国采取与这些国家类似的政策,使妇女更容易加入并留在劳动力队伍中,那么在美国可能实现更大的性别平等。

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The Gender Gap in Income
::收入的性别差距

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Despite the gains women have made, problems persist. Perhaps the major problem is a gender gap in income. Women have earned less money than men ever since records started being kept (Reskin & Padavic, 2002). Reskin, B., & Padavic, I. (2002).  Women and men at work  (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.  In the United States in the early 1800s, full-time women workers in agriculture and manufacturing earned less than 38% of what men earned. By 1885, they were earning about 50% of what men earned in manufacturing jobs. As the 1980s began, full-time women workers’ median weekly earnings were about 65% of men’s. Women have narrowed the gender gap in earnings since then: their weekly earnings now (2009) are 80.2% of men’s among full-time workers (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  Still, this means that for every $10,000 men earn, women earn only about $8,002. To turn that around, for every $10,000 women earn, men earn $12,469. This gap amounts to hundreds of thousands of dollars over a lifetime of working.
::尽管妇女取得了进步,但问题依然存在。也许主要问题是收入上的性别差距。自记录开始保存以来,妇女挣的钱一直比男子少(Reskin & Padavic, 2002年)。自1980年代开始,全职女工的每周平均收入约为男性的65 % 。 妇女从那时起缩小了男女收入差距:现在,她们每周的收入为男性全职工人的80.2%(美国人口普查局,2010年)。 美国人口普查局(2010年)。美国统计摘要:2010年,华盛顿:美国:政府印刷办公室。从现在开始,这意味着每10 000名男性的每周平均收入为每100 000美元,妇女的收入为每100 000美元,妇女的收入为每100 000美元,妇女的收入为每100 000美元。

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Women have earned less money than men ever since records started being kept. Women now earn about 80% of what men earn.
::自记录开始保存以来,妇女的收入一直低于男子,妇女现在的收入约为男子收入的80%。

 

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What accounts for the gender gap in earnings? A major reason is   in the workplace, which accounts for up to 45% of the gender gap (Reskin & Padavic 2002).   Although women have increased their labor force participation, the workplace remains segregated by gender. Almost half of all women work in a few low-paying clerical and service (e.g., waitressing)  jobs, while men work in a much greater variety of jobs, including high-paying ones.   shows that many jobs are composed primarily of women or of men. Part of the reason for this segregation is that socialization affects what jobs young men and women choose to pursue, and part of the reason is that women and men do not want to encounter difficulties they may experience if they took a job traditionally assigned to the other sex. A third reason is that sex-segregated jobs discriminate against applicants who are not the “right” sex for that job. Employers may either consciously refuse to hire someone who is the “wrong” sex for the job or have job requirements (e.g., height requirements) and workplace rules (e.g., working at night) that unintentionally make it more difficult for women to qualify for certain jobs. Although such practices and requirements are now illegal, they still continue. The sex segregation they help create contributes to the continuing gender gap between female and male workers. Occupations dominated by women tend to have lower wages and salaries. Because women are concentrated in low-paying jobs, their earnings are much lower than men’s (Reskin & Padavic, 2002). Reskin, B., & Padavic, I. (2002). Women and men at work (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.

::造成收入性别差距的原因何在?主要原因在于工作场所,工作场所占两性差距的45 % (Reskin和Padavic,2002年)。 虽然妇女增加了劳动力参与率的45 % (Reskin和Padavic,2002年),但工作场所仍然按性别隔离。几乎一半的妇女从事少数低薪的办事员和服务工作(如女服务员),而男子则从事更多种类的工作,包括高薪的工作。这表明许多工作主要由女性或男性组成。这种隔离的部分原因是,社会化影响到青年男女选择从事何种工作,而部分原因则是,尽管女性和男性在传统上从事的工作时不想遇到困难。 第三个原因是,性别隔离性工作歧视那些“不正确”的求职者。 雇主可能有意拒绝雇用“坏”性工作的人,或者因为工作要求较低(如,身高要求)和工作场所规则(如在夜间工作)影响着哪些工作,而男女则不愿遇到困难。 女性在不定期工作上的工资和性别比例上更难达到一定的性别比例。

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Table 11.3 Gender Segregation in the Workplace for Selected Occupations, 2007
::表11.3 2007年选定职业中工作场所性别隔离情况

Occupation	Female workers (%)	Male workers (%)
Dental hygienists	99.2	0.8
Speech-language pathologists	98.0	2.0
Preschool and kindergarten teachers	97.3	2.7
Secretaries and administrative assistants	96.7	3.3
Registered nurses	91.7	9.3
Food servers (waiters/waitresses)	74.0	26.0
Lawyers	32.6	67.4
Physicians	30.0	70.0
Dentists	28.2	71.8
Computer software engineers	20.8	79.2
Carpenters	1.9	98.1
Electricians	1.7	98.3