Section outline

  • Objectives
    ::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

    Explain how American families begin and describe some of the disruptions they might encounter.
    ::解释一下美国家庭是如何开始的,并描述他们可能遇到的一些混乱。

    Analyze some of the trends in American family life currently being examined by sociologists.
    ::分析目前社会学家正在研究的美国家庭生活的一些趋势。

    Analyze how courtship and marriage have changed.
    ::分析求偶和婚姻是如何变化的。

    Explain some of the trends in American family life.
    ::解释一下美国家庭生活的一些趋势。


    Universal Generalizations
    ::普遍化

    Most families in America begin with marriage.
    ::美国大多数家庭从结婚开始。

    In the U.S., the basis for most marriages is romantic love.
    ::在美国,大多数婚姻的基础都是浪漫的爱情

    Most Americans marry people with similar characteristics: people who are close to them in age and within their own socioeconomic class.
    ::大多数美国人与具有类似特征的人结婚:在年龄和自身社会经济阶层中接近他们的人。

    Family violence is the most devastating of family disruptions.
    ::家庭暴力是家庭破裂中最具破坏性的。

    In America, one of the most common of family disruptions is divorce.
    ::在美国,家庭破裂最常见的一种是离婚。

    Empty nests and family dissolution are other disruptions to the American family structure.
    ::空巢和家庭解体是对美国家庭结构的其他破坏。

    How have trends in family life such as delayed marriage or remarriage changed the United States?
    ::推迟结婚或再婚等家庭生活趋势如何改变美国?


    Guiding Questions
    ::问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问

    Why do people marry?
    ::人们为什么结婚?

    How do families help each other survive?
    ::家庭如何互相帮助生存?

    How have courtship and marriage changed?
    ::求偶和婚姻是如何改变的?

    Why do some people marry someone with similar characteristics?
    ::为什么有些人会嫁给一个有类似特征的人?

    What role does family violence play in the disruption of the family?
    ::家庭暴力在扰乱家庭方面起什么作用?

    What economic effects does divorce have on former partners?
    ::离婚对前伴侣有什么经济影响?

    Family Patterns in the United States
    ::美国的家庭关系

    Using U.S. census data (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010), U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  we first sketch the major types of family arrangements that now exist.
    ::使用美国人口普查数据(美国人口普查局,2010年),美国人口普查局(2010年),《美国统计摘要:2010年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。 我们首先勾画了目前存在的主要家庭安排类型。

    Marriage
    ::婚姻婚姻

    The census defines a household as being all the people who live together in a dwelling unit, whether or not they are related by blood, marriage, or adoption. About 117 million households exist in the United States. Of this number, about 67% are family households and 33% are nonfamily households. Most of the non-family households consist of only one person.   About half of all households involve a married couple, and half do not involve a married couple.  
    ::人口普查将家庭定义为所有居住在一个住宅单元中的人,无论他们是否与血缘、婚姻或收养有关,美国约有1.17亿个家庭,其中约67%是家庭住户,33%是非家庭住户,大多数非家庭住户只有一人,大约一半是已婚夫妇,一半不是已婚夫妇。

    Americans believe that love is the main foundation of marriage. Most who never have been married say they would like to be at some point in their lives. However, statistics show Americans aren’t rushing to the altar, and the U.S. marriage rate is at an all-time low—only 51% of adults were married in 2011, according to U.S. Census Bureau statistics.
    ::美国人认为爱情是婚姻的主要基础。 大部分从未结婚的人都说想在自己的生活中的某个时刻结婚。 然而,统计数据显示美国人并没有急着去祭坛,美国结婚率也处于历史最低水平 — — 根据美国人口普查局的统计数据,2011年只有51%的成年人结婚。

    The romantic ideal of marriage plays out in survey data that show whether they are married or not, Americans are more inclined to choose “love” as a reason for marriage than any other factor. In a over “making a lifelong commitment,” as well as “companionship,” “having children,” and “financial stability” as a very important reason to wed.
    ::婚姻的浪漫理想表现在显示他们是否已婚的调查数据中,美国人比任何其他因素都更倾向于选择“爱 ” 作为婚姻理由。 在超越“终身承诺 ” 以及“伴侣 ” 、 “有子女 ” 、 “财政稳定 ” 作为结婚的重要理由时,美国人更倾向于选择“爱 ” 作为婚姻理由。

    Among married people, 93% say love is a very important reason to get married; 84% of unmarried people say so. Men and women are equally likely to say love is a very important reason to get married.
    ::在已婚人士中,93%的人说爱是结婚的重要理由;84%的未婚人士这样说;男女同样可能说爱是结婚的重要理由。


    WhyGetMarried





    This last figure should not suggest that marriage is unimportant. Only 26% of all adults (18 or older) have never been married, about 57% are currently married, 10% are divorced, and 6% are widowed (see  ). Because more than half of the never-married people are under 30, it is fair to say that many of them will be getting married sometime in the future. When we look just at people aged 45–54, about 88% are currently married or had been married at some point in their lives. These figures all indicate that marriage remains an important ideal in American life, even if not all marriages succeed.
    ::最后这个数字不应表明婚姻并不重要。 在所有成年人(18岁或18岁以上)中,只有26%从未结婚,约57%目前已婚,10%离婚,6%丧偶(见 ) 。 因为一半以上从未结过婚的人不到30岁,因此可以公平地说他们中的很多人将来会结婚。 当我们看看45-54岁的人时,大约88 % 已经结婚或曾经结婚。 这些数字都表明婚姻仍然是美国生活中的重要理想,即使并非所有婚姻都成功。

    Marital Status of the U.S. Population, 2008, Persons 18 Years of Age or Older
    ::2008年美国人口的婚姻状况,2008年,18岁或18岁以上人口

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局数据(2010年),《美国统计摘要:2010年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。


    It is interesting to see how the age at which people first get married has changed.   shows that age at first marriage declined gradually during the first half of the 20th century, before dropping more sharply between 1940 and 1950 because of World War II. It then rose after 1970 and today stands at almost 28 years for men and 26 years for women.
    ::令人感兴趣的是,人们第一次结婚的年龄是如何改变的。 这表明在20世纪前半叶初婚年龄逐渐下降,而在1940年至1950年期间,由于二战,这一年龄在1940年至1950年之间急剧下降。 1970年后,这一年龄又上升了,如今男性几乎为28岁,女性为26岁。


     Median Age at First Marriage for Men and Women, 1890–2009
    ::1890-2009年1890-2009年男女初婚的中小年龄

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). Estimated median age at first marriage, by sex: 1890 to the present. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局数据(2010年),按性别分列的初婚估计中位年龄:1890年至今。


    Median Age at First Marriage, 1890–2010
    ::1890-2010年初婚中年年龄

    The following table shows the median age of men and women when they were first married in the United States from 1890 to 2010. The median age for a man's first marriage was 28.2 years in 2010, up from 26.1 in 1990. The median age for a woman's first marriage was 26.1 years in 2010, up from 23.9 in 1990.
    ::下表显示了1890年至2010年美国男女首次结婚的平均年龄。 2010年,男性第一次结婚的平均年龄为28.2岁,高于1990年的26.1岁,2010年,女性第一次结婚的平均年龄为26.1岁,高于1990年的23.9岁。

    Year Males Females
    1890 26.1 22.0
    1900 25.9 21.9
    1910 25.1 21.6
    1920 24.6 21.2
    1930 24.3 21.3
    1940 24.3 21.5
    1950 22.8 20.3
    1960 22.8 20.3
    1970 23.2 20.8
    1980 24.7 22.0
    1990 26.1 23.9
    1993 26.5 24.5
    1994 26.7 24.5
    1995 26.9 24.5
    1996 27.1 24.8
    1997 26.8 25.0
    1998 26.7 25.0
    1999 26.9 25.1
    2000 26.8 25.1
    2001 26.9 25.1
    2002 26.9 25.3
    2003 27.1 25.3
    2005 27.0 25.5
    2006 27.5 25.9
    2007 27.7 1 26.0
    2008 27.6 25.9
    2009 28.1 25.9
    2010 28.2 26.1
    1. The margin of error for 2007 is +/- 0.2 years.
    Source:  U.S. Bureau of the Census; Web: 

    In many ways, the United States differs from other Western democracies in its view of marriage and in its behavior involving marriage and other intimate relationships (Cherlin, 2010; Hull, Meier, & Ortyl, 2010). Cherlin, A. J. (2010).  The marriage-go-round: The state of marriage and the family in America today . New York, NY: Vintage; Hull, K. E., Meier, A., & Ortyl, T. (2010). The changing landscape of love and marriage.  Contexts, 9 (2), 32–37.  First, Americans place more emphasis than their Western counterparts on the ideal of romantic love as a basis for marriage and other intimate relationships and on the cultural importance of marriage. Second, the United States has higher rates of marriage than other Western nations. Third, the United States also has higher rates of divorce than other Western nations; for example, 42% of American marriages end in divorce after 15 years, compared to only 8% in Italy and Spain. Fourth, Americans are much more likely than other Western citizens to remarry once they are divorced, to cohabit in short-term relationships, and, in general, to move from one intimate relationship to another, a practice called  serial monogamy . This practice leads to instability that can have negative impacts on any children that may be involved and also on the adults involved.

    The U.S. emphasis on romantic love helps account for its high rates of marriage, divorce, and serial monogamy. It leads people to want to be in an intimate relationship, marital or cohabiting. Then, when couples get married because they are in love, many quickly find that passionate romantic love can quickly fade; because their expectations of romantic love were so high, they become more disenchanted once this happens and unhappy in their marriage. The American emphasis on independence and individualism also makes divorce more likely than in other nations; if a marriage is not good for us, we do what is best for us as individuals and end the marriage. As Andrew J. Cherlin (2010, p. 4) Cherlin, A. J. (2010).  The marriage-go-round: The state of marriage and the family in America today . New York, NY: Vintage.  observes, “Americans are conflicted about lifelong marriage: they value the stability and security of marriage, but they tend to believe that individuals who are unhappy with their marriages should be allowed to end them.” Still, the ideal of romantic love persists even after divorce, leading to remarriage and/or other intimate relationships.
    For further information    Article 5 Facts About Love and Marriage

    Families and Children in the United States
    The United States has about 36 million families with children under 18. About 70% of these are married-couple families, while 30% (up from about 14% in the 1950s) are one-parent families. Most of these latter families are headed by the mother (see  ).

    Family Households With Children Under 18 Years of Age, 2008
    ::有18岁以下儿童的家庭家庭,2008年

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局数据(2010年),《美国统计摘要:2010年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。


    The proportion of families with children under 18 that have only one parent varies significantly by race and ethnicity: Latino and African American families are more likely than white and Asian American households to have only one parent (see  ). Similarly, whereas 30% of all children do not live with both their biological parents, this figure, too, varies by race and ethnicity: 22% for non-Latino white children, compared to 15% of Asian children, 30% of Latino children, and 62.5% of African American children.
    ::有18岁以下子女但父母只有一人的家庭比例因种族和族裔而有很大差异:拉丁美洲和非洲裔美洲家庭比白人和亚裔美洲家庭更有可能只有一个父母(见)。同样,30%的儿童没有与亲生父母共同生活,这一数字也因种族和族裔而异:非拉丁美洲白人儿童为22%,亚洲儿童为15%,拉丁美洲儿童为30%,非裔美国人儿童为62.5%。

      Race, Ethnicity, and Percentage of Family Groups With Only One Parent, 2008
    ::种族、种族、族裔和单亲家庭的百分比,2008年

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局数据(2010年),《美国统计摘要:2010年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。


    It is worth noting that children, despite all the joy and fulfillment they so often bring to parents, also tend to reduce parents’ emotional well-being. As a recent review summarized the evidence, “Parents in the United States experience depression and emotional distress more often than their childless adult counterparts. Parents of young children report far more depression, emotional distress and other negative emotions than non-parents, and parents of grown children have no better well-being than adults who never had children” (Simon, 2008, p. 41). Simon, R. W. (2008). The joys of parenthood, reconsidered.  Contexts, 7 (2), 40–45.
    ::值得指出的是,尽管儿童常常给父母带来快乐和满足,但他们也倾向于减少父母的情感幸福。 正如最近的审查所总结的证据 : “ 美国的家长比没有孩子的成年人更经常经历抑郁和情感痛苦。 幼儿的父母报告比非父母更沮丧、情感痛苦和其他负面情绪,成年儿童的父母没有比没有孩子的成年人更好的幸福”(Simon,2008年,第41页)。 西蒙,R.W.(2008年)。 父母的快乐,重新考虑了背景,7(2),40-45。

    Children have these effects because raising them can be both stressful and expensive. Depending on household income, the average child costs parents between $134,000 and $270,000 from birth until age 18. College education obviously can cost tens of thousands of dollars beyond that. Robin W. Simon (2008) Simon, R. W. (2008). The joys of parenthood, reconsidered.  Contexts, 7 (2), 40–45.  argues that American parents’ stress would be reduced if the government provided better and more affordable day care and after-school options, flexible work schedules, and tax credits for various parenting costs. She also thinks that the expectations Americans have of the joy of parenthood are unrealistically positive and that parental stress would be reduced if expectations became more realistic.
    ::儿童之所以产生这些效应,是因为抚养子女可能既紧张又昂贵。 根据家庭收入,孩子的平均费用从出生到18岁平均为134 000至270 000美元,父母从出生到18岁。 大学教育显然要花费数以万计的美元以上。 罗宾·西蒙(2008年)西蒙·西门(R.W. W. (2008) ) 。 父母的快乐,重新考虑了。 背景,7(2),40-45。 认为如果政府提供更好、更负担得起的日托和课后选择、弹性工作时间表和各种育儿费用的税收抵免,美国父母的压力将会减少。 她还认为美国人对育儿快乐的期望是不切实际的,如果期望更加现实,父母的压力也会减少。

      


    Changes and Issues Affecting American Families
    ::影响美洲家庭的变化和问题
    Cohabitation

    Some people who are not currently married nonetheless  cohabit , or live together with someone of the opposite sex in a romantic relationship. The census reports that almost 7 million opposite-sex couples are currently cohabiting; these couples constitute about 10% of all opposite-sex couples (married plus unmarried). The average cohabitation lasts less than 2 years and ends when the couple either splits up or gets married; about half of cohabiting couples do marry, and half split up. More than half of people in their 20s and 30s have cohabited, and roughly one-fourth of this age group is currently cohabiting (Brown, 2005). Brown, S. I. (2005). How cohabitation is reshaping American families.  Contexts, 4 (3), 33–37.  Roughly 55% of cohabiting couples have no biological children, about 45% live with a biological child of one of the partners, and 21% live with their own biological child. (These figures add to more than 100% because many couples live with their own child and a child of just one of the partners.) About 5% of children live with biological parents who are cohabiting.
    ::人口普查显示,近700万异性伴侣正在同居;这些夫妇约占所有异性伴侣(已婚和未婚)的10%。平均同居时间不到2年,当夫妻分居或结婚时结束;同居伴侣中约有一半人结婚,一半人分居。 超过一半的20岁和30岁的人已经同居,大约四分之一的这一年龄组的人正在同居(Brown,2005年;Brown,S.I.(2005年),同居如何改变美国家庭。背景,4(3),33-37. 大约55%的同居伴侣没有生孩子,约45%的同居伴侣没有生孩子,约45%的同居伴侣中有一个生孩子,21%的同居者有自己的生孩子。 (这些数字增加了超过100 % ) , 因为许多夫妇与自己的孩子生活在一起,只有其中的一个伴侣的孩子。 大约5%的儿童与亲生父母同居。

    Interestingly, married couples who have cohabited with each other before getting married are  more likely to divorce than married couples who did not cohabit. As Susan I. Brown (2005, p. 34) Brown, S. I. (2005). How cohabitation is reshaping American families.  Contexts, 4 (3), 33–37.  notes, this apparent consequence is ironic: “The primary reason people cohabit is to test their relationship’s viability for marriage. Sorting out bad relationships through cohabitation is how many people think they can avoid divorce. Yet living together before marriage actually increases a couple’s risk of divorce.” Two possible reasons may account for this result. First, cohabitation may change the relationship between a couple and increase the chance they will divorce if they get married anyway. Second, individuals who are willing to live together without being married may not be very committed to the idea of marriage and thus may be more willing to divorce if they are unhappy in their eventual marriage.
    ::有趣的是,婚前同居的已婚夫妇比未同居的已婚夫妇更倾向于离婚。 正如Susan I. Brown(2005) Brown(2005) Brown(2005) Brown(2005) S. I.(2005) (2005) (2005) (2005) 同居如何改变美国家庭。 背景, 4(3), 33-37. 指出,这一明显的后果具有讽刺意味:“同居的首要原因是检验他们的关系是否适合结婚。 通过同居来分辨坏关系是多少人认为他们可以避免离婚。 但婚前同居确实增加了夫妻离婚的风险。 原因有两个。 首先,同居可能改变夫妻之间的关系,增加他们结婚后离婚的机会。 其次,愿意同居而没有结婚的人可能不太致力于婚姻理念,因此如果他们在最终的婚姻中不幸福的话,可能更愿意离婚。

    The children of cohabiting parents tend to exhibit lower well-being of various types than those of married parents: they are more likely to engage in delinquency and other antisocial behavior, and they have lower academic performance and worse emotional adjustment. The reasons for these differences remain to be clarified but may again stem from the types of people who choose to cohabit rather than marry.
    ::同居父母的子女往往与已婚父母的子女相比,各种类型的福利较低:他们更有可能从事犯罪和其他反社会行为,他们的学业成绩较低,情感调整更差,这些差异的原因仍有待澄清,但也可能来自选择同居而不是结婚的人的类型。

    Divorce and Single-Parent Households
    ::离婚和单亲家庭

    Divorce, while fairly common and accepted in modern American society, was once a word that would only be whispered and was accompanied by gestures of disapproval. In 1960, divorce was generally uncommon, affecting only 9.1 out of every 1,000 married persons. That number more than doubled (to 20.3) by 1975 and peaked in 1980 at 22.6 (Popenoe 2007). Over the last quarter century, divorce rates have dropped steadily and are now similar to those in 1970. The dramatic increase in divorce rates after the 1960s has been associated with the liberalization of divorce laws and the shift in societal make up due to women increasingly entering the workforce (Michael 1978). The decrease in divorce rates can be attributed to two probable factors: an increase in the age at which people get married, and an increased level of education among those who marry—both of which have been found to promote greater marital stability.
    ::离婚虽然在现代美国社会中相当普遍和被接受,但曾经是一个只会低声说话的单词,并伴之以不赞同的姿态;1960年,离婚一般很少发生,只影响到每1 000名已婚者中的9.1人;到1975年,离婚人数翻了一番以上(到20.3人),到1980年达到峰值,达到22.6人(普普蒙诺,2007年)。在过去25年,离婚率稳步下降,现在与1970年相似。1960年代之后离婚率的急剧上升与离婚法的自由化和社会构成的变化有关,因为越来越多的妇女进入劳动力市场(迈克尔,1978年),离婚率的下降可归因于两个可能的因素:人们结婚的年龄提高,以及结婚者的教育水平提高——这两个因素都被认为有助于提高婚姻稳定。

    Divorce does not occur equally among all Americans; some segments of the American population are more likely to divorce than others. According the American Community Survey (ACS), men and women in the Northeast have the lowest rates of divorce at 7.2 and 7.5 per 1,000 people. The South has the highest rate of divorce at 10.2 for men and 11.1 for women. Divorce rates are likely higher in the South because marriage rates are higher and marriage occurs at younger-than-average ages in this region. In the Northeast, the marriage rate is lower and first marriages tend to be delayed; therefore, the divorce rate is lower (U.S. Census Bureau 2011).
    ::离婚不是所有美国人平等离婚;美国人口中某些部分比其他部分更有可能离婚;根据美国社区调查,东北部男女离婚率最低,为每1 000人7.2和7.5;南部离婚率最高,为男性10.2和女性11.1;南部离婚率可能较高,因为该地区的结婚率较高,结婚年龄低于平均水平;东北部的结婚率较低,第一次结婚往往推迟;因此,离婚率较低(美国人口普查局,2011年)。

    The rate of divorce also varies by race. In a 2009 ACS study, American Indian and Alaskan Natives reported the highest percentages of currently divorced individuals (12.6 percent) followed by blacks (11.5 percent), whites (10.8 percent), Pacific Islanders (8 percent), Latinos (7.8 percent) and Asians (4.9 percent) (ACS 2011). In general those who marry at a later age, have a college education have lower rates of divorce.
    ::在2009年ACS研究中,美国印第安人和阿拉斯加土著人报告的离婚率最高(12.6%),其次是黑人(11.5%)、白人(10.8%)、太平洋岛民(8%)、拉丁裔(7.8%)和亚裔(4.9%)(ACS 2011)。


    Year Divorces and annulments Population Rate per 1,000 total population
    2009 840,000 242,497,000 3.5
    2008 844,000 240,663,000 3.5
    2007 856,000 238,759,000 3.6
    2006 872,000 236,172,000 3.7
    2005 847,000 234,114,000 3.6
    2004 879,000 237,042,000 3.7
    2003 927,000 245,200,000 3.8
    2002 955,000 243,600,000 3.9
    2001 940,000 236,650,000 4.0
    2000 944,000 233,550,000 4.0

    The U.S. divorce rate has risen since the early 1900's, with several peaks and valleys, and is now the highest in the industrial world. It rose sharply during the Great Depression and World War II, probably because of the economic distress of the former and the family disruption caused by the latter, and fell sharply after the war as the economy thrived and as marriage and family were proclaimed as patriotic ideals. It dropped a bit more during the 1950s before rising sharply through the 1960's and 1970's (Cherlin, 2009). Cherlin, A. J. (2009).  The marriage-go-round: The state of marriage and the family in America today . New York, NY: Knopf.  The divorce rate has since declined somewhat (see  ) and today is only slightly higher than its peak at the end of World War II. Still, the best estimates say that 40%–50% of all new marriages will one day end in divorce (Teachman, 2008). Teachman, J. (2008). Complex life course patterns and the risk of divorce in second marriages.  Journal of Marriage & Family, 70 (2), 294–305.  The surprising announcement in June 2010 of the separation of former vice president Al Gore and his wife, Tipper, was a poignant reminder that divorce is a common outcome of many marriages.
    ::美国的离婚率自1900年代初以来有所上升,有几处高峰和山谷,如今是工业世界中最高的。在大萧条和第二次世界大战期间,美国离婚率急剧上升,原因可能是美国的经济困境和后者造成的家庭混乱,战后随着经济繁荣以及婚姻和家庭被宣布为爱国理想,离婚率急剧下降。 1950年代,美国离婚率略有下降,直到1960年代和1970年代急剧上升(Cherlin,2009年)Cherlin,A.J.(2009年)。婚姻之交:《今日美国婚姻和家庭状况》。纽约:Knopf。离婚率自此以来略有下降(见 ) , 今天的离婚率仅略高于第二次世界大战结束时的高峰。 尽管如此,据最佳估计,所有新结婚的40-50 % 将在1960年代和1970年代离婚后一天结束(Teachman,2008年),Teachman,J.(2008年)。 复杂的生活模式和第二次婚姻中的离婚风险。《婚姻和家庭杂志》,70(2),294-305年纽约。2010年6月的《离婚前总统公告》是一份令人惊讶的《离婚备忘录。

     Number of Divorces per 1,000 Married Women Aged 15 or Older, 1960–2008
    ::1960-2008年每1 000名15岁或15岁以上已婚妇女离婚数

    Source: Data from Wilcox, W. B. (Ed.). (2009).  The state of our unions, 2009: Marriage in America . Charlottesville: The National Marriage Project, University of Virginia.
    ::资料来源:Wilcox, W. B. (Ed.),(2009年),《2009年美国婚姻状况》,夏洛茨维尔:弗吉尼亚大学国家婚姻项目。

    Reasons for Divorce

    We cannot be certain about why the divorce rate rose so much during the 1960's and 1970's, but we can rule out two oft-cited causes. First, there is little reason to believe that marriages became any less happy during this period. We do not have good data to compare marriages then and now, but the best guess is that marital satisfaction did not decline after the 1950's ended. What did change was that people after the 1950's became more willing to seek divorces in marriages that were already unhappy.
    ::我们无法肯定为什么1960年代和1970年代离婚率上升如此之大,但我们可以排除两个经常提到的原因。 首先,没有理由相信婚姻在这一时期变得不那么幸福。我们当时和现在都没有很好的数据来比较婚姻,但最好的猜测是婚姻满意度在1950年代结束后并没有下降。 变化是1950年代以后的人更愿意在已经不幸福的婚姻中寻求离婚。

    Second, although the contemporary women’s movement is sometimes blamed for the divorce rate by making women think marriage is an oppressive institution, the trends in   suggest this blame is misplaced. The women’s movement emerged in the late 1960's and was capturing headlines by the early 1970s. Although the divorce rate obviously rose after that time, it also started rising several years  before  the women’s movement emerged and capturing headlines. If the divorce rate began rising before the women’s movement started, it is illogical to blame the women’s movement. Instead, other structural and cultural forces must have been at work, just as they were at other times in the last century, as just noted, when the divorce rate rose and fell.
    ::其次,尽管现代妇女运动有时会因为让妇女认为婚姻是一种压迫性的制度而指责她们离婚率,但这种指责的倾向是错的。 妇女运动在20世纪60年代末才开始,到20世纪70年代初才登上头条新闻。 虽然离婚率在那时之后明显上升,但在妇女运动出现和登上头条之前的几年,离婚率也开始上升。 如果离婚率在妇女运动开始之前开始上升,那么指责妇女运动是不合逻辑的。 相反,其他结构和文化力量必须已经发挥作用,正如刚刚指出的,在上个世纪其他时候,离婚率上升和下降。

    Why, then, did divorce increase during the 1960's and 1970's? One reason is the increasing economic independence of women. As women entered the labor force in the 1960s and 1970s, they became more economically independent of their husbands, even if their jobs typically paid less than their husbands’ jobs. When women in unhappy marriages do become more economically independent, they are more able to afford to get divorced than when they have to rely entirely on their husbands’ earnings (Hiedemann, Suhomlinova, & O’Rand, 1998). Hiedemann, B., Suhomlinova, O., & O’Rand, A. M. (1998). Economic independence, economic status, and empty nest in midlife marital disruption. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 60 , 219–231.  When both spouses work outside the home, moreover, it is more difficult to juggle the many demands of family life, especially child care, and family life can be more stressful. Such stress can reduce marital happiness and make divorce more likely. Spouses may also have less time for each other when both are working outside the home, making it more difficult to deal with problems they may be having.
    ::因此,为什么1960年代和1970年代离婚率有所上升? 原因之一是妇女的经济独立程度不断提高。 女性在1960年代和1970年代加入劳动大军后,在经济上更加独立于丈夫,即使她们的工作通常工资低于丈夫的工作。 当不幸福的婚姻妇女确实在经济上更加独立时,她们更有能力离婚,而不是完全依赖丈夫的收入(Hiedemann, Suhomlinova, & O ' Rand, 1998年)。Hiedemann, B., Suhommlinova, O., & O ' Rand, A. M. (1998年),经济独立、经济地位和婚姻中年中破裂的空巢。婚姻和家庭杂志,60, 219-231。 此外,当夫妻双方在家庭外工作时,更难于应付家庭生活的许多要求,特别是子女照料,家庭生活可能更紧张。这种压力会减少婚姻的幸福感和离婚的可能性更大。 当夫妻两人在家庭外工作时,他们彼此的时间也可能更难处理问题。

    It is also true that disapproval of divorce has declined since the 1950s, even if negative views of it still remain (Cherlin, 2009). Cherlin, A. J. (2009). The origins of the ambivalent acceptance of divorce.  Journal of Marriage & Family, 71 (2), 226–229.  Not too long ago, divorce was considered a terrible thing; now it is considered a normal if unfortunate part of life. We no longer say a bad marriage should continue for the sake of the children. When New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller ran for president in the early 1960s, the fact that he had been divorced hurt his popularity, but when California Governor Ronald Reagan ran for president less than two decades later, the fact that he had been divorced was hardly noted. But is the growing acceptability of divorce a cause of the rising divorce rate, or is it the result of the rising divorce rate? Or is it both a cause and result? This important causal order question is difficult to resolve.
    ::20世纪50年代以来,不赞成离婚的情况也确实有所下降,即使对离婚的负面看法仍然存在(Cherlin,2009年,Cherlin,A.J.2009年)。 接受离婚的矛盾性起源。 《婚姻和家庭杂志》,71(2),226-229。 不久以前,离婚被视为一件可怕的事情;现在,离婚被认为是生活中一个正常但不幸的部分;我们不再说为子女的利益而继续发生不良婚姻。 当纽约州长Nelson Flockelf在1960年代初竞选总统时,离婚的事实损害了他的声望,但是当加州州长Ronald Reagan在不到20年之后竞选总统时,离婚的事实却几乎无人注意到。 但是,离婚日益被接受离婚是离婚率上升的原因,还是离婚率上升的结果?还是两者都是原因和结果?这个重要的因果问题很难解决。

    Disapproval of divorce has declined since the 1950s, and divorce is now considered a normal if unfortunate part of life.
    ::自1950年代以来,不同意离婚的情况有所减少,离婚现在被认为是生活中正常的,如果不幸的话。

    © Thinkstock
    ::智商


    Another reason divorce rose during the 1960s and 1970s may be that divorces became easier to obtain legally. In the past, most states required couples to prove that one or both had committed actions such as mental cruelty, adultery, or other such behaviors in order to get divorced. Today almost all states have no-fault divorce laws that allow a couple to divorce if they say their marriage has failed from irreconcilable differences. Because divorce has become easier and less expensive to obtain, more divorces occur. But are no-fault divorce laws a cause or result of the post-1950s rise in the divorce rate? The divorce rate increase preceded the establishment of most states’ no-fault laws, but it is probably also true that the laws helped make additional divorces more possible. Thus no-fault divorce laws are probably one reason for the rising divorce rate after the 1950s, b ut only one reason (Kneip & Bauer, 2009). Kneip, T., & Bauer, G. (2009). Did unilateral divorce laws raise divorce rates in Western Europe? Journal of Marriage & Family, 71 (3), 592–607.
    ::20世纪60年代和1970年代,离婚率上升的另一个原因是离婚率在1960年代和1970年代期间上升。 离婚率上升的另一个原因可能是离婚在法律上变得更容易。 过去,大多数州要求夫妇双方证明其中一方或双方都实施了精神虐待、通奸或其他类似行为,以便离婚。 如今,几乎所有州都没有离婚法允许夫妻双方离婚,如果他们说他们的婚姻因不可调和的分歧而失败的话。 由于离婚变得比较容易且费用较低,离婚率会增加。 但非过失离婚法是否是1950年代后离婚率上升的原因或结果? 离婚率在大多数州制定无过失法之前就有所上升了,但也许法律帮助了更多的离婚。 因此,无过失离婚法可能是1950年代后离婚率上升的原因之一,但只有一个原因(Kneip & Bauer,2009年),Kneip,T.,和Bauer,G.(2009年)。单方面离婚法是否提高了西欧的离婚率?婚姻和家庭杂志,71(3),592-607。

    We have just looked at possible reasons for divorce rate trends, but we can also examine the reasons why certain marriages are more or less likely to end in divorce within a given time period. Although, as noted earlier, 40%–50% of all new marriages will probably end in divorce, it is also true that some marriages are more likely to end than others. Family scholars identify several correlates of divorce (Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006; Wilcox, 2009). Clarke-Stewart, A., & Brentano, C. (2006).  Divorce: Causes and consequences . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press; Wilcox, W. B. (Ed.). (2009).  The state of our unions, 2009: Marriage in America . Charlottesville: The National Marriage Project, University of Virginia.  An important one is age at marriage: teenagers who get married are much more likely to get divorced than people who marry well into their 20s or beyond, partly because they have financial difficulties and are not yet emotionally mature. A second correlate of divorce is social class: people who are poor at the time of their marriage are more likely to get divorced than people who begin their marriages in economic comfort, as the stress of poverty causes stress in marriage. Divorce is thus another negative life chance of people at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder.
    ::我们刚刚审视了离婚率趋势的可能原因,但我们也可以研究某些婚姻在特定时期内可能以离婚结束的原因。尽管如前所述,在所有新婚姻中,40-50%可能以离婚告终,但有些婚姻也确实更有可能结束。家庭学者确定了离婚的若干相关因素(Clarke-Stewart & Brentano,2006年;Wilcox,2009年;Clarke-Stewart,A., & Brentano,C.(2006年);离婚:原因和后果。纽黑文,CT:耶鲁大学出版社;Wilcox,W.B.(Ed.)(2009年)。我们的工会状况,2009年:美国婚姻;Charlottsville:弗吉尼亚大学国家婚姻项目。一个重要的是结婚年龄:结婚的青少年比20多岁或20岁以上结婚的人更有可能离婚,部分原因是他们有经济困难,而且情绪尚未成熟。离婚的第二个相关因素是社会阶层:在婚姻期间贫穷的人,因此,在婚姻期间开始陷入社会经济压力的人比离婚的可能性更大。


    Effects of Divorce and Single-Parent Households
    ::离婚和单亲家庭的影响

    Much research exists on the effects of divorce on spouses and their children, and scholars do not always agree on what these effects are. One thing is clear: divorce plunges many women into poverty or near-poverty (Gadalla, 2008). Gadalla, T. M. (2008). Gender differences in poverty rates after marital dissolution: A longitudinal study.  Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 49 (3/4), 225–238.  Many have been working only part time or not at all outside the home, and divorce takes away their husband’s economic support. Even women working full time often have trouble making ends meet, because, as we saw in earlier chapters, so many are in low-paying jobs. One-parent families headed by a woman for any reason are much poorer ($30,296 in 2008 median annual income) than those headed by a man ($44,358). Meanwhile, the median income of married-couple families is much higher ($72,589). Almost 30% of all single-parent families headed by women are officially poor.
    ::对离婚对配偶及其子女的影响进行了大量研究,学者们并不总是同意这些影响。 有一点是清楚的:离婚使许多妇女陷入贫困或接近贫困(Gadalla,2008年;Gadalla,T.M.(2008);婚姻解体后贫困率的性别差异:纵向研究。 《离婚和再婚杂志》,49(3/4),225-238。 许多人只从事兼职工作或根本不在家外工作,离婚夺走了丈夫的经济支持。即使全职工作的妇女也往往难以满足生活需要,因为正如我们在前几章中看到的那样,许多妇女从事低薪工作。 由妇女为户主的单亲家庭无论出于什么原因都比由男子为户主的家庭贫困得多(2008年平均年收入为30 296美元 ) ( 44 358美元 ) 。 与此同时,已婚夫妇家庭的中位收入要高得多(72 589美元 ) 。

    Although the economic consequences of divorce seem clear, what are the psychological consequences for husbands, wives, and their children? Are they better off if a divorce occurs, worse off, or about the same? The research evidence is very conflicting. Many studies find that divorced spouses are, on average, less happy and have poorer mental health after their divorce, but some studies find that happiness and mental health often improve after divorce (Williams, 2003; Waite, Luo, & Lewin, 2009). Williams, K. (2003). Has the future of marriage arrived? A contemporary examination of gender, marriage, and psychological well-being.  Journal of Health & Social Behavior, 44 , 470–487; Waite, L. J., Luo, Y., & Lewin, A. C. (2009). Marital happiness and marital stability: Consequences for psychological well-being.  Social Science Research, 38 (1), 201–212.  The post-divorce time period that is studied may affect what results are found: for some people psychological well-being may decline in the immediate aftermath of a divorce, given how difficult the divorce process often is, but rise over the next few years. The contentiousness of the marriage may also matter. Some marriages ending in divorce have been filled with hostility, conflict, and sometimes violence, while other marriages ending in divorce have not been very contentious at all, even if they have failed. Individuals seem to fare better psychologically after ending a very contentious marriage but fare worse after ending a less contentious marriage (Amato & Hohmann-Marriott, 2007). Amato, P. R., & Hohmann-Marriott, B. (2007). A comparison of high- and low-distress marriages that end in divorce.  Journal of Marriage & Family, 69 (3), 621–638.
    ::虽然离婚的经济后果似乎显而易见,但是离婚的经济后果似乎显而易见,但是离婚对丈夫、妻子及其子女产生了什么样的心理后果,这些后果似乎显而易见,对丈夫、妻子及其子女的心理后果是显而易见的,是什么样的?如果离婚发生时,对丈夫、妻子及其子女的心理后果是什么样的心理后果呢?如果离婚发生时,她们会更好吗?研究证据非常矛盾。许多研究发现离婚后,离婚配偶一般不快乐,离婚后心理健康和心理健康也较差,但有些研究发现离婚后幸福和心理健康往往改善(Williams,2003年;Wiams,2003年;We、We离婚、We、We、Wef、Wef、Wef、Web、L.L.J.、Loo、Y、Lewin、A.C.2009年。婚姻幸福和婚姻稳定:心理健康的后果。社会科学研究,38(1)、Lape、Loo、Lolo、Lew、Lews,2009年。所研究的离婚后时期可能影响到所有结果:对于一些离婚后的人来说,一个心理状况可能会下降,一些离婚后,因为有些离婚后,而离婚结束的婚姻过程往往结束,而其他的结束过程也开始。

    What about the children? Parents used to stay together “for the sake of the children,” thinking that divorce would cause their children more harm than good. Studies of this issue generally find that children in divorced families are indeed more likely, on average, to do worse in school, to use drugs and alcohol and suffer other behavioral problems, and to experience emotional distress and other psychological problems (Sun & Li, 2009; Amato & Cheadle, 2008). Sun, Y., & Li, Y. (2009). Parental divorce, sibship size, family resources, and children’s academic performance.  Social Science Research, 38 (3), 622–634; Amato, P. R., & Cheadle, J. E. (2008). Parental divorce, marital conflict and children’s behavior problems: A comparison of adopted and biological children.  Social Forces, 86 (3), 1139–1161.
    ::子女呢? 父母曾经“为了孩子”在一起,认为离婚会给子女带来更多的伤害。 对这一问题的研究通常发现,离异家庭中的儿童在学校里,吸毒和酗酒,遭受其他行为问题,以及经历情感痛苦和其他心理问题的可能性更大(Sun & Li,2009年;Amato & Cheadle,2008年;Sun,Y. & Li,Y.(2009);父母离婚,Sun,Y. & Li,Y. (2009);父母离婚,Sibship规模,家庭资源和儿童的学术表现。 社会科学研究,38(3),622-634;Amato,P.R,Cheadle,J.E.(2008)。 父母离婚、婚姻冲突和儿童行为问题:被收养儿童与生物儿童的比较。 社会力量,86(3),1139-161。

    However, it is sometimes difficult in these studies to determine whether the effects on children stem from the divorce itself or, instead, from the parental conflict that led to the divorce. This problem raises the possibility that children may fare better if their parents end a troubled marriage than if their parents stay married. The evidence on this issue generally mirrors the evidence for spouses just cited: children generally fare better if their parents end a highly contentious marriage, but they fare worse if their parents end a marriage that has not been highly contentious (Booth & Amato, 2001; Hull, Meier, & Ortyl, 2010). Booth, A., & Amato, P. R. (2001). Parental predivorce relations and offspring postdivorce well-being.  Journal of Marriage & Family, 63 (1), 197; Hull, K. E., Meier, A., & Ortyl, T. (2010). The changing landscape of love and marriage.  Contexts, 9 (2), 32–37.
    ::然而,这些研究有时很难确定对子女的影响是来自离婚本身,还是来自导致离婚的家长冲突。 这个问题使得父母结束有问题的婚姻比父母继续结婚更可能使子女比父母结束有问题的婚姻好。 有关这个问题的证据一般反映了配偶刚才援引的证据:如果父母结束极具争议的婚姻,子女一般会更好,但如果父母结束没有高度争议的婚姻,子女会更糟(Booth & Amato, 2001;Hull, Meier, & Ortyl, 2010)。 Booth, A., & Amato, P.R. (2001)。 父母离婚前关系和离婚后后代的福祉。《婚姻和家庭杂志》,63(1), 197;Hull, K.E., Meier, A., & Ortyl, T. (2010)。 不断变化的爱情和婚姻景观。背景, 9(2), 32-37。

    Remarriage
    ::再婚

    People in a second marriage account for approximately 19.3 percent of all married persons, and those who have been married three or more times account for 5.2 percent (U.S. Census Bureau 2011). The vast majority (91 percent) of remarriages occur after divorce; only 9 percent occur after death of a spouse (Kreider 2006). Most men and women remarry within five years of a divorce, with the median length for men (three years) being lower than for women (4.4 years). This length of time has been fairly consistent since the 1950s. The majority of those who remarry are between the ages of 25 and 44 (Kreider 2006). The general pattern of remarriage also shows that whites are more likely to remarry than black Americans.
    ::第二次婚姻中的人约占所有已婚者的19.3%,结婚三次或三次以上的人占5.2%(美国2011年人口普查局),绝大多数(91%)再婚是在离婚后发生的;只有9%是在配偶死亡后发生的(Kreider,2006年),大多数男女在离婚后五年内再婚,男性的中位长度(3年)低于女性(4.4年),这一时间长度自1950年代以来一直相当一致,再婚者大多数年龄在25至44岁之间(Kreider,2006年)。再婚的一般模式也表明白人比黑人更有可能再婚。

    Marriage the second time around (or third or fourth) can be a very different process than the first. Remarriage lacks many of the classic courtship rituals of a first marriage. In a second marriage, individuals are less likely to deal with issues like parental approval, premarital sex, or desired family size (Elliot 2010). In a survey of households formed by remarriage, a mere 8 percent included only biological children of the remarried couple. Of the 49 percent of homes that include children, 24 percent included only the woman’s biological children, 3 percent included only the man’s biological children, and 9 percent included a combination of both spouse’s children (U.S. Census Bureau 2006).
    ::第二次(或第三次或第四次)前后的婚姻可能是一个与第一次(第三次或第四次)截然不同的过程。再婚缺乏许多第一次婚姻的典型求偶仪式。在第二次婚姻中,个人不太可能处理父母批准、婚前性行为或理想家庭规模等问题(Elliot,2010年)。在对通过再婚形成的家庭进行的调查中,只有8%只包括再婚夫妇的亲生子女。 在49%包括子女的家庭中,24%只包括妇女的亲生子女,3%只包括男子的亲生子女,9%包括配偶双方的子女(美国人口普查局,2006年)。

    Marriage and Well-Being
    ::婚姻和幸福

    Is marriage good for people? This is the flip side of the question addressed earlier on whether divorce is bad for people. Are people better off if they get married in the first place? Or are they better off if they stay single?
    ::婚姻对人们有利吗?这是先前讨论的关于离婚是否对人民不利的问题的反面。人们结婚后会更好吗?还是单身会更好呢?

    In 1972, sociologist Jessie Bernard (1972) Bernard, J. (1972).  The future of marriage . New York, NY: Bantam.  famously said that every marriage includes a “her marriage” and a “his marriage.” By this she meant that husbands and wives view and define their marriages differently. When spouses from the same marriage are interviewed, they disagree on such things as how often they should have sex, how often they actually do have sex, and who does various household tasks. Women do most of the housework and child care, while men are freer to work and do other things outside the home. Citing various studies, she said that marriage is better for men than for women. Married women, she said, have poorer mental health and other aspects of psychological well-being than unmarried women, while married men have better psychological well-being than unmarried men. In short, marriage was good for men but bad for women.
    ::1972年,社会学家Jessie Bernard(1972年)Bernard,J.Bernard,J.(1972年),《婚姻的未来》,纽约,纽约:Bantam。 著名地说,每桩婚姻都包括“她的婚姻”和“他的婚姻”。 她的意思是丈夫和妻子对婚姻的看法和定义不同。当同一起婚姻的配偶接受面谈时,他们对诸如她们应该如何发生性关系、她们实际上如何发生性关系和从事各种家务等事项有不同意见。妇女做大部分家务和照顾子女,而男子则更自由地在家庭外工作和做其他事情。她引用各种研究,她说婚姻对男子比妇女更好。她说,已婚妇女的心理健康和其他心理健康方面比未婚妇女差,而已婚男子比未婚男子的心理健康更好。简言之,婚姻对男子是好的,但对妇女是坏的。

    Critics later said that Bernard misinterpreted her data on women and that married women are also better off than unmarried women (Glenn, 1997). Glenn, N. D. (1997). A critique of twenty family and marriage and the family textbooks.  Family Relations, 46 , 197–208.  Contemporary research generally finds that marriage does benefit both sexes: married people, women and men alike, are generally happier than unmarried people (whether never married, divorced, or widowed), score better on other measures of psychological well-being, are physically healthier, have better sex lives, and have lower death rates (Williams, 2003; Waite, Luo, & Lewin, 2009). Williams, K. (2003). Has the future of marriage arrived? A contemporary examination of gender, marriage, and psychological well-being.  Journal of Health & Social Behavior, 44 , 470–487; Waite, L. J., Luo, Y., & Lewin, A. C. (2009). Marital happiness and marital stability: Consequences for psychological well-being.  Social Science Research, 38 (1), 201–212.  There is even evidence that marriage helps keep men from committing crime (Laub, 2004). Laub, J. H. (2004). The life course of criminology in the United States: The American Society of Criminology 2003 presidential address.  Criminology, 42 , 1–26.  Marriage has these benefits for several reasons, including the emotional and practical support spouses give each other, their greater financial resources compared to those of unmarried people, and the sense of obligation that spouses have toward each other.
    ::批评者后来又说,伯纳德曲解了她关于女性的数据,已婚妇女也比未婚妇女更健康(Glenn, 1997年)。 Glenn, N.D. (1997年)。 批评了20个家庭和婚姻以及家庭教科书。 家庭关系, 46, 197-2088。 当代研究普遍认为,婚姻对男女两性都有利:已婚者、妇女和男子一般都比未婚者(不论从未结婚、离婚或丧偶者)更幸福,在其他心理健康措施方面得分更高,身体健康,性生活较好,死亡率较低(Williams, 2003年;Wate, Loo, & Lewin, A. C. (2009))。 婚姻幸福和婚姻稳定:心理健康的后果。 社会科学研究, 38(1), Willianms, K. (2003年)。 婚姻的未来? 对性别、婚姻和心理福祉的当代审查, 44, 470-487;Wate, L. J. J., L. J., L., Loo, Y., 和 Lewin, A. C. 2009年。 Marital yal yal yal 和婚姻稳定: Food-hestations revieward, the comcial decal ress, a exum, drium prium pours, exub.


    Married people are generally happier than unmarried people and score higher on other measures of psychological well-being.
    ::一般而言,已婚者比未婚者更幸福,在其他心理健康措施方面得分更高。

    © Thinkstock
    ::智商


    Three issues qualify the general conclusion that marriage is beneficial. First, it would be more accurate to say that good marriages are beneficial, because bad marriages certainly are not (Frech & Williams, 2007). Frech, A., & Williams, K. (2007). Depression and the psychological benefits of entering marriage.  Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 48 , 149–163.  Second, although marriage is generally beneficial, its benefits seem greater for older adults than for younger adults, for whites than for African Americans, and for individuals who were psychologically depressed before marriage than for those who were not depressed (Frech & Williams, 2007). Frech, A., & Williams, K. (2007). Depression and the psychological benefits of entering marriage.  Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 48 , 149–163. Third, psychologically happy and healthy people may be the ones who get married in the first place and are less apt to get divorced once they do marry. If so, then marriage does not promote psychological well-being; rather, psychological well-being promotes marriage. Research testing this  selectivity hypothesis  finds that both processes occur: psychologically healthy people are more apt to get and stay married, but marriage also promotes psychological well-being.
    ::三个问题都符合婚姻是有利的这一总结论。 首先,更准确的办法是说良好的婚姻是有利的,因为坏婚姻肯定不是(Frech & Williams, 2007年)。 Frech, A, & Williams, K. (2007年)。萧条和结婚的心理好处。《健康和社会行为杂志》, 48, 149-163。 其次,虽然婚姻一般是有利的,但对于成年人、白人和婚前心理压抑的人而言,其好处似乎大于年轻成年人,对于非洲裔美国人而言,以及对于婚前心理压抑的人,而不是那些没有抑郁的人(Frech & Williams, 2007年), Frech, A. & Williams, K. (2007年)。抑郁和结婚的心理好处。《健康和社会行为杂志》, 48, 149-163. 第三,心理幸福和健康的人可能是初婚时结婚的人,而一旦结婚就不太适合离婚的人。如果结婚,那么婚姻不会促进心理健康;相反,心理幸福会促进婚姻。研究发现两种过程都会发生:心理健康的人也更有利于婚姻。

     


      VIDEO Marriage Improves Heart Health
    ::VIDEO 婚姻改善心脏健康

      VIDEO  Health Benefits of Marriage

    ::VIDEO 婚姻健康福利

    For further information on the benefits of marriage, the following article Married vs Single:  What Science Says is Better For Your Health  can be read    
    ::欲进一步了解婚姻的惠益,可阅读以下《已婚与单身:科学所说的对健康更好》一文。