Section outline

  • General

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  • 社会运动运动

    Objectives
    ::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

    Describe the types of social movements that exist and explain how they are different.
    ::描述现有的社会运动的类型,并解释它们有何不同。

    Describe ways in which the existence of social movements can be explained.
    ::说明如何解释社会运动的存在。


    Universal Generalizations
    ::普遍化

    The goal of most social movements is to change society.
    ::大多数社会运动的目标是改变社会。

    Social movements differ in the goals they hope to achieve.
    ::社会运动在它们希望实现的目标上各不相同。

    Social movements emerge in most cases out of the idea that a problem exists.
    ::在大多数情况下,社会运动的出现是出于存在问题的观念。


    Guiding Questions
    ::问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问

    Why are social movements created?
    ::为什么建立社会运动?

    Would you be part of a social movement?
    ::你会参加社会运动吗?

    What kinds of social movements exist, and how do they differ?
    ::存在何种社会运动,它们有何不同?

    What is the purpose of most social movements?
    ::大多数社会运动的目的何在?

    How do sociologists explain the existence of social movements?
    ::社会学家如何解释社会运动的存在?


    Social Movements
    ::社会运动运动

    Social movements in the United States and other nations have been great forces for social change. At the same time, governments and other opponents have often tried to thwart the movements’ efforts. To understand how and why social change happens, we have to understand why movements begin, how they succeed and fail, and what impact they may have.
    ::美国和其他国家的社会运动一直是社会变革的强大力量。 与此同时,政府和其他反对者常常试图挫败这些运动的努力。 要理解社会变革是如何发生的和为什么发生的,我们必须理解为什么运动开始,它们是如何成功和失败的,以及它们可能产生的影响。


    Understanding Social Movements
    ::了解社会运动

    To begin this understanding, we first need to understand what social movements are.  A   may be defined as an organized effort by a large number of people to bring about or impede social, political, economic, or cultural change. Defined in this way, social movements might sound similar to special-interest groups, and they do have some things in common. But a major difference between social movements and special-interest groups lies in the nature of their actions. Special-interest groups normally work  within the system  via conventional political activities such as lobbying and election campaigning. In contrast, social movements often work outside the system  by engaging in various kinds of protest, including demonstrations, picket lines, sit-ins, and sometimes outright violence.
    ::首先,我们首先需要理解什么是社会运动。A可以被定义为由许多人有组织地努力促成或阻碍社会、政治、经济或文化变革。这样定义的社会运动可能听起来与特殊利益团体相似,它们确实有一些共同之处。但是社会运动和特殊利益团体之间的重大区别在于其行动的性质。特殊利益团体通常通过游说和选举运动等常规政治活动在系统内工作。相反,社会运动往往通过参与各种抗议活动,包括示威、抗议路线、静坐和有时是直接的暴力活动,在系统之外工作。

    Conceived in this way, the efforts of social movements amount to “politics by other means,” with these “other means” made necessary because movements lack the resources and access to the political system that interest groups typically enjoy (Gamson, 1990). Gamson, W. A. (1990).  The strategy of social protest  (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
    ::通过这种方式,社会运动的努力相当于“以其他方式的政治”,而这种“其他手段”是必要的,因为运动缺乏资源和进入利益集团通常享有的政治制度的机会(Gamson,1990年)。 Gamson, W.A.(1990年)。 社会抗议战略(第2版)。 Belmont, CA:Wadsworth。

      

    Social movements are organized efforts by large numbers of people to bring about or impede social change. Often they try to do so by engaging in various kinds of protest, such as the march depicted here.
    ::社会运动是由许多人组织起来的,目的是实现或阻碍社会变革。 他们往往试图通过各种抗议活动(如这里所描述的游行)实现或阻碍社会变革。

      

    Types of Social Movements
    ::社会运动类型

    Sociologists identify several types of social movements according to the nature and extent of the change they seek. This typology helps us understand the differences among the many kinds of social movements that existed in the past and continue to exist today (Snow & Soule, 2009). Snow, D. A., & Soule, S. A. (2010).  A primer on social movements . New York, NY: W. W. Norton.
    ::社会学家根据他们所寻求的变化的性质和程度,确定了几种类型的社会运动。这种类型有助于我们理解过去存在和今天继续存在的多种社会运动之间的差异(Snow & Soule,2009年)。Snow,D.A. & Soule,S.A.(2010年)。关于社会运动的初级材料。纽约:W.W.Norton。

    One of the most common and important types of social movements is the  reform  movement, which seeks limited, though still significant, changes in some aspect of a nation’s political, economic, or social systems. It does not try to overthrow the existing government but rather works to improve conditions within the existing regime. Some of the most important social movements in U.S. history have been reform movements. These include the abolitionist movement preceding the Civil War, the women’s suffrage movement that followed the Civil War, the labor movement, the Southern civil rights movement, the Vietnam era’s antiwar movement, the contemporary women’s movement, the gay rights movement, and the environmental movement.
    ::最常见和最重要的社会运动类型之一是改革运动。 改革运动寻求在一个国家的政治、经济或社会制度的某些方面进行有限的、尽管仍然重要的变革。 它并不试图推翻现有的政府,而是努力改善现有政权内的条件。 美国历史上最重要的社会运动之一是改革运动。 其中包括内战前的废除死刑运动、内战后的妇女选举运动、劳工运动、南方民权运动、越南时代的反战运动、当代妇女运动、同性恋权利运动和环境运动。

    A  revolutionary  movement goes one large step further than a reform movement in seeking to overthrow the existing government and to bring about a new one and even a new way of life. Revolutionary movements were common in the past and were responsible for the world’s great revolutions in Russia, China, and several other nations. Reform and revolutionary movements are often referred to as  political  movements because the changes they seek are political in nature.
    ::革命运动比改革运动更进一步,它寻求推翻现有政府,创造新的政府甚至新的生活方式。 革命运动过去很常见,对俄罗斯、中国和其他几个国家的世界大革命负有责任。 改革和革命运动常常被称为政治运动,因为它们寻求的变革是政治性的。

    Another type of political movement is the  reactionary  movement, so named because it tries to block social change or to reverse social changes that have already been achieved. The antiabortion movement is a contemporary example of a reactionary movement, as it arose after the U.S. Supreme Court legalized most abortions in  Roe v. Wade  (1973) and seeks to limit or eliminate the legality of abortion.
    ::另一种政治运动是反动运动,之所以如此命名,是因为它试图阻止社会变革或扭转已经实现的社会变革。 反堕胎运动是当代反动运动的一个例子,因为美国最高法院在Roe诉Wade案(1973年)中将大多数堕胎合法化,并试图限制或取消堕胎的合法性。

    Two other types of movements are  self-help  movements and  religious movements. As their name implies, self-help movements involve people trying to improve aspects of their personal lives; examples of self-help groups include Alcoholics Anonymous and Weight Watchers. Religious movements aim to reinforce religious beliefs among their members and to convert other people to these beliefs. Early Christianity was certainly a momentous religious movement, and other groups that are part of a more general religious movement today include the various religious cults . Sometimes self-help and religious movements are difficult to distinguish from each other because some self-help groups emphasize religious faith as a vehicle for achieving personal transformation.
    ::其他两种运动是自助运动和宗教运动,正如其名称所暗示的那样,自助运动涉及人们努力改善其个人生活的各个方面;自助团体的例子包括匿名酗酒和体重观察者;宗教运动的目的是加强其成员之间的宗教信仰,使其他人改信这些信仰;早期基督教当然是一项重大宗教运动,而今天参加更普遍宗教运动的其他团体包括各种宗教教派;有时自助和宗教运动很难区分,因为一些自助团体强调宗教信仰是实现个人转变的工具。

    One type of social movement is the self-help movement. As its name implies, the goal of a self-help movement is to help people improve their personal lives. These tokens are used at meetings of Alcoholics Anonymous, which is an example of a group involved in a self-help movement.
    ::一种类型的社会运动是自助运动,正如其名称所暗示的那样,自助运动的目标是帮助人们改善个人生活,这些标志用于匿名酗酒者会议,这是参与自助运动的一个团体的一个例子。

    Source: Photo courtesy of Chris Yarzab, .
    ::照片来自Chris Yarzab,

    The Origins of Social Movements
    ::社会运动的起源

    To understand the origins of social movements, we need answers to two related questions. First, what are the social, cultural, and other factors that give rise to social movements? They do not arise in a vacuum, and people must become sufficiently unhappy for a social movement to arise. Second, once social movements do begin, why are some individuals more likely than others to take part in them?
    ::为了了解社会运动的起源,我们需要回答两个相关的问题。 首先,社会、文化和引起社会运动的其他因素是什么? 它们不是在真空中产生的,人们必须变得足够不快乐,以便产生社会运动。 其次,一旦社会运动开始,为什么某些个人比其他人更可能参与社会运动?

      

    Stages of Social Movements
    ::社会运动阶段

    Later sociologists studied the lifecycle of social movements—how they emerge, grow, and in some cases, die out. Blumer (1969) and Tilly (1978) outline a four-stage process. In the  preliminary stage , people become aware of an issue and leaders emerge. This is followed by the  coalescence stage  when people join together and organize in order to publicize the issue and raise awareness. In the  institutionalization stage , the movement no longer requires grassroots volunteerism: it is an established organization, typically peopled with a paid staff. When people fall away, adopt a new movement, the movement successfully brings about the change it sought, or people no longer take the issue seriously, the movement falls into the  decline stage . Each social movement discussed earlier belongs in one of these four stages. Where would you put them on the list?
    ::后来的社会学家们研究了社会运动的生命周期——社会运动如何出现、成长,有时甚至会死亡。Blumer(1969年)和Tilly(1978年)勾勒了一个四阶段的过程。在初步阶段,人们开始意识到一个问题和领导人的出现。接着是联合阶段,人们联合起来,组织起来宣传这个问题和提高认识。在体制化阶段,运动不再需要基层志愿精神:它是一个已经成立的组织,通常由有薪工作人员组成。当人们离开时,通过一个新的运动,运动成功地带来了它所寻求的变化,或者人们不再认真对待这个问题,运动就进入了衰退阶段。前面讨论的每个社会运动都属于这四个阶段中的一个阶段。你会把它们放在哪里呢?


    SOCIAL MEDIA AND SOCIAL CHANGE: A MATCH MADE IN HEAVEN

    A man leaning over a laptop, typing is pictured here.

    In 2008, Obama’s campaign used social media to tweet, like, and friend its way to victory. (Photos courtesy of bradleyolin/flickr)

    ::2008年,奥巴马的竞选活动利用社交媒体在推特上进行推文,并成为胜利之路的朋友。 (照片来自bladleyolin/flickr)。


    A screenshot of the Twitter page for #Haiti donations is shown here. The tweet reads: Donation Update: Over $21 Million in $10 donations raised for the people of #Haiti through the @RedCross Text HAITI to 90999 campaign.

    After a devastating earthquake in 2010, Twitter and the Red Cross raised millions for Haiti relief efforts through phone donations alone. (Photo courtesy of Cambodia4KidsOrg/flickr)
    ::在2010年发生毁灭性地震后,Twitter和红十字会仅通过电话捐款筹集了数百万海地救济工作。 (柬埔寨4KidsOrg/flickr的慈善捐款)

      


    Discontent With Existing Conditions and Relative Deprivation
    ::与现有条件和相对剥夺

    For social movements to arise, certain political, economic, or other problems must first exist that prompt people to be dissastisfied enough to begin and join a social movement. These problems might include a faltering economy; a lack of political freedom; certain foreign policies carried out by a government; or discrimination based on gender, race and ethnicity, or sexual orientation. In this regard, recall that one of the essential conditions for collective behavior in Smelser’s value-added theory is  structural strain , or social problems that cause people to be angry and frustrated. Without such structural strain, people would not have any reason to protest, and social movements would not arise.
    ::要想出现社会运动,首先必须存在某些政治、经济或其他问题,这些问题促使人们被拒之门外,无法开始和加入社会运动。 这些问题可能包括经济疲软;缺乏政治自由;政府实施的某些外交政策;或基于性别、种族和族裔或性取向的歧视。 在这方面,回顾斯梅尔增值理论中集体行为的基本条件之一是结构紧张,或导致人们愤怒和沮丧的社会问题。 没有这种结构紧张,人们就没有任何理由抗议,社会运动也不会出现。

    Whatever the condition, the dissatisfaction it generates leads to  shared discontent  (also called  shared grievances ) among some or most of the population that then may give rise to a social movement. This discontent arises in part because people feel deprived relative to some other group or to some ideal state they have not reached. This feeling is called  . The importance of relative deprivation for social protest was popularized by James C. Davies (1962) Davies, J. C. (1962). Toward a theory of revolution.  American Sociological Review, 27 , 5–19.  and Ted Robert Gurr (1970), Gurr, T. R. (1970).  Why men rebel . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.  both of whom built on the earlier work of social psychologists who had studied frustration and aggression. When a deprived group perceives that social conditions are improving, wrote Davies, they become hopeful that their lives are getting better. But if these conditions stop improving, they become frustrated and more apt to turn to protest, collective violence, and other social movement activity. Both Davies and Gurr emphasized that people’s  feelings  of being relatively deprived were more important for their involvement in collective behavior than their level of actual deprivation.
    ::不管条件如何,它所产生的不满导致某些或大多数人口共同不满(也称为共同怨恨),从而可能引起社会运动。这种不满产生的原因部分是由于人们感到相对于其他群体或他们尚未达到的理想状态感到被剥夺。这种感觉被称为:社会抗议相对剥夺的重要性被詹姆斯·C.戴维斯(1962年达维斯,J.C.(1962年))宣传为争取革命理论。美国社会学评论,27,5-19.和泰德·罗伯特·古尔(1970年),Gurr,T.R.(1970年)。为什么男人反叛。普林斯顿,NJ:普林斯顿大学出版社(NJ:普林斯顿大学出版社 ) , 两者都是建立在研究过挫折和侵略的社会心理学家早期工作的基础上的。当一个被剥夺的人认为社会状况正在改善时,Davies写了他们就会开始希望他们的生活正在好转。但如果这些条件停止改善,他们就会变得沮丧,更愿意转向抗议、集体暴力和其他社会运动活动。Davies和Gurr强调,相对被剥夺的感觉对于他们参与集体行为比实际剥夺的程度更重要。

    Although discontent may be an essential condition for social movements (as well as for riots and other collective behavior that are political in nature), discontent does not always lead to a social movement or other form of collective behavior. For example, it might be tempting to think that a prison riot occurred because conditions in the prison were awful, but some prisons with awful conditions do not experience riots. Thus, although discontent may be an essential condition for social movements (and other collective behavior) to arise, discontent by itself does not guarantee that a social movement will begin and that discontented people will take part in the movement once it has begun.
    ::尽管不满可能是社会运动(以及暴动和其他具有政治性质的集体行为)的基本条件,但不满并不总是导致社会运动或其他形式的集体行为。 比如,人们可能会认为监狱暴动是因为监狱条件恶劣而发生的,但条件恶劣的一些监狱没有发生暴乱。 因此,尽管不满可能是社会运动(以及其他集体行为)发生的基本条件,但不满本身并不能保证社会运动会开始,不满的人会在运动开始后参加。


    Social Networks and Recruitment
    ::社会网络和招聘

    This huge drop-off from sympathizers to activists underscores another fundamental point of social movement scholarship: people are much more likely to participate in social movement activity when they are asked or urged to do so by friends, acquaintances, and family members. As David S. Meyer (2007, p. 47) Meyer, D. S. (2007).  The politics of protest: Social movements in America . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.  observes, “[T]he best predictor of why anyone takes on any political action is whether that person has been asked to do so. Issues do not automatically drive people into the streets.” Social movement participants tend to have many friends and to belong to several organizations and other sorts of social networks, and these social network ties help “pull” or  recruit them into social movements. Snow, D. A., & Soule, S. A. (2010).  A primer on social movements . New York, NY: W. W. Norton.  This process of  recruitment  is an essential fact of social movement life, as movements usually cannot succeed if sufficient numbers of people are not recruited into the movement.
    ::同情者向活动家的这一巨大下降突出表明了社会运动奖学金的另一个基本要点:当朋友、熟人和家庭成员要求或敦促人们参与社会运动活动时,人们更有可能参与社会运动活动。 David S. Meyer(2007, p.47) Meyer, D. S. (2007)。 抗议政治:美国的社会运动。 纽约,纽约:牛津大学出版社。 观察,“最能预测为什么任何人采取任何政治行动的原因是是否要求这个人这样做。问题不会自动将人们推向街头。” 社会运动参与者往往有许多朋友,并属于若干组织和其他类型的社会网络,这些社会网络联系帮助“拉”或招募他们参加社会运动。 Snow, D. A. A., & Soule, S. A. (2010)。 社会运动的主旨。 纽约:W. Norton。 招聘过程是社会运动生活的一个基本事实,因为如果没有足够数量的人被征入运动,运动通常无法成功。

    An interesting development in the modern era is the rising use of electronic means to recruit people into social movement activities and to coordinate and publicize these activities. The “Learning From Other Societies” box discusses a now-famous protest in Iran in which electronic media played a key role.
    ::现代时代一个有趣的发展是越来越多地使用电子手段招募人员参与社会运动活动,并协调和宣传这些活动。 “从其他社会学习 ” 框讨论了伊朗现在流行的抗议活动,其中电子媒体发挥了关键作用。

    Participants in social movement activities are often recruited into the movement by people they know from the many social networks to which they belong.
    ::参加社会运动活动的人往往被来自他们所属的许多社会网络的人招募加入这一运动。

    Source: Photo courtesy of Olivier Laban-Mattei, .
    ::照片来自Olivier Laban-Mattei,

    Resource Mobilization and Political Opportunities
    ::资源调动和政治机会

     is a general name given to several related views of social movements that arose in the 1970s (McCarthy & Zald, 1977; Oberschall, 1973; Tilly, 1978). McCarthy, J. D., & Zald, M. N. (1977). Resource mobilization and social movements: A partial theory.  American Journal of Sociology, 82 , 1212–1241; Oberschall, A. (1973).  Social conflict and social movements . Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall; Tilly, C. (1978).  From mobilization to revolution . Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.  This theory assumes that social movement activity is a rational response to unsatisfactory conditions in society. Because these conditions always exist, so does discontent with them. Despite such constant discontent, people protest only rarely. If this is so, these conditions and associated discontent cannot easily explain why people turn to social movements. What is crucial instead are efforts by social movement leaders to mobilize the resources—most notably, time, money, and energy—of the population and to direct them into effective political action.
    ::20世纪70年代产生的社会运动的若干相关观点(McCarthy & Zald,1977年;Oberschall,1973年;Tilly,1978年)。McCarthy,J.D. & Zald,M.N.(1977年),资源调动和社会运动:局部理论。《美国社会学期刊》,82年,121212-1241年;Oberschall,A(1973年)。社会冲突和社会运动。Englewood Cliffs,NJ:Prentice Hall;Tilly,C.(1978年)。从动员到革命。阅读,MA:Adison-Wesley。这一理论假定社会运动活动是对社会不满意状况的合理反应。由于这些条件的存在,人们对它们也感到不满。尽管存在这种不断的不满,但人们很少提出抗议。如果是这样的话,那么这些条件和相关不满并不能轻易解释人们转向社会运动的原因。重要的是社会运动领导人努力动员人民的资源,特别是时间、金钱和能源,并引导他们采取有效的政治行动。

    Resource mobilization theory has been very influential since its inception in the 1970s. However, critics say it underestimates the importance of harsh social conditions and discontent for the rise of social movement activity. Conditions can and do worsen, and when they do so, they prompt people to engage in collective behavior. As just one example, cuts in higher education spending and steep increases in tuition prompted students to protest on campuses in California and several other states in late 2009 and early 2010 (Rosenhall, 2010). Rosenhall, L. (2010, February 28). Education protests on tap this week in California.  The Sacramento Bee , p. 1A.  Critics also say that resource mobilization theory neglects the importance of emotions in social movement activity by depicting social movement actors as cold, calculated, and unemotional (Goodwin, Jasper, & Polletta, 2004). Goodwin, J., Jasper, J. M., & Polletta, F. (2004). Emotional dimensions of social movements. In D. A. Snow, S. A. Soule, & H. Kriesi (Eds.),  The Blackwell companion to social movements  (pp. 413–432). Malden, MA: Blackwell.  This picture is simply not true, critics say, and they further argue that social movement actors can be both emotional and rational at the same time, just as people are in many other kinds of pursuits.
    ::20世纪70年代启动以来,资源调动理论一直非常有影响力。然而,批评家们说,它低估了苛刻的社会条件和不满对于社会运动活动上升的重要性。 条件可以而且确实恶化,当条件恶化时,它们会促使人们参与集体行为。 仅举一个例子,高等教育支出的削减和学费的急剧增加促使学生在2009年底和2010年初在加利福尼亚和其他几个州校园抗议(Rosenhall,2010年)。Rosenhall,L.(2010年,2月28日)罗森霍尔),加利福尼亚州本周爆发的教育抗议。 Sacramanto Bee,p.A.Crie.Crieti(Eds)也说,资源调动理论忽视了社会运动中情感的重要性,将社会运动的行为者描绘为冷、计算和不动(Goodwin, Jasper,和Polletta,2004年)。Goodwin,J.J.J.M. & Polletta,F.(2004年)。社会运动的情感层面。 D.A. Snow, Soure,S,S.A.A.和K.Krisirii(E.) 以及M.M.

    Another influential perspective is  . According to this view, social movements are more likely to arise and succeed when  political opportunities  for their emergence exist or develop, as when a government that previously was repressive becomes more democratic or when a government weakens because of an economic or foreign crisis (Snow & Soule, 2010). Snow, D. A., & Soule, S. A. (2010).  A primer on social movements . New York, NY: W. W. Norton.  When political opportunities of this kind exist, discontented people perceive a greater chance of success if they take political action, and so they decide to take such action. As Snow and Soule (2010, p. 66) Snow, D. A., & Soule, S. A. (2010).  A primer on social movements . New York, NY: W. W. Norton.  explain, “Whether individuals will act collectively to address their grievances depends in part on whether they have the political opportunity to do so.” Applying a political opportunity perspective, one important reason that social movements are so much more common in democracies than in authoritarian societies is that activists feel more free to be active without fearing arbitrary arrests, beatings, and other repressive responses by the government.
    ::另一种有影响力的观点是:根据这一观点,社会运动在出现或发展政治机会时更有可能出现和成功。当社会运动出现或发展的政治机会时,社会运动更有可能出现和成功,例如,以前压制性的政府变得更加民主,或政府因经济或外国危机而衰弱(Snow & Soule,2010年)。Snow, D.A. & Soule, S. & Soule, S. A. (2010年)。 Snow, D. A., & Soule, S., S. A., & S. A., S. A. (2010年)。 社会运动的初级材料,纽约:W. W. Norton. 解释道,“个人采取集体行动解决其冤情,部分取决于他们是否有政治机会这样做。” 利用政治机会观点,社会运动在民主制度中比在专制社会中更为常见的一个重要原因就是,活动家感到更自由而无所畏惧的镇压,而没有其他镇压性反应。

    The Life Cycle of Social Movements
    ::社会运动的生命周期

    Although the many past and present social movements around the world differ from each other in many ways, they all generally go through a life cycle marked by several stages that have long been recognized (Blumer, 1969). Blumer, H. (1969). Collective behavior. In A. M. Lee (Ed.),  Principles of sociology  (pp. 165–221). New York, NY: Barnes and Noble.
    ::虽然世界各地过去和现在的许多社会运动在许多方面各不相同,但它们一般都经历一个生命周期,其特点是几个阶段,这些阶段早已得到承认(Blumer,1969年)。 Blumer, H.(1969年)。 集体行为。在A.M. Lee(Ed.),《社会学原则》(pp.165-221),纽约:Barnes和Noble。

    Stage 1 is  emergence . This is the stage when social movements begin for one or more of the reasons indicated in the previous section. Stage 2 is  coalescence . At this stage a movement and its leaders must decide how they will recruit new members and they must determine the strategies they will use to achieve their goals. They also may use the news media to win favorable publicity and to convince the public of the justness of their cause. Stage 3 is  institutionalization  or  bureaucratization . As a movement grows, it often tends to become bureaucratized, as paid leaders and a paid staff replace the volunteers that began the movement. It also means that clear lines of authority develop, as they do in any bureaucracy. More attention is also devoted to fund-raising. As movement organizations bureaucratize, they may well reduce their effectiveness by turning from the disruptive activities that succeeded in the movement’s earlier stages to more conventional activity by working within the system instead of outside it (Piven & Cloward, 1979). Piven, F. F., & Cloward, R. A. (1979).  Poor people’s movements: Why they succeed, how they fail . New York, NY: Vintage Books.  At the same time, if movements do not bureaucratize to at least some degree, they may lose their focus and not have enough money to keep on going.
    ::第1阶段正在出现。这是社会运动开始的阶段,其原因有上一节指出的一个或多个。第2阶段是联合。在这一阶段,一个运动及其领导人必须决定他们如何招聘新成员,他们必须决定他们为实现其目标而使用的战略。他们还可以利用新闻媒体赢得有利的宣传,并说服公众相信其事业的合理性。第3阶段是体制化或官僚化。随着运动的发展,它往往会变成官僚化,因为有薪领导人和有薪工作人员取代发起运动的志愿人员。这还意味着明确的权力分工,正如他们在任何官僚机构所做的那样。在现阶段,一个运动及其领导人必须决定他们如何招聘新成员,他们必须决定他们为实现其目标所使用的战略。随着运动组织官僚化,他们也可以利用新闻媒体来赢得有利的宣传,并说服公众相信其事业的公正性。第3阶段是体制化或官僚化。随着运动的发展,它往往会变成官僚化,因为有薪领导人和有薪工作人员取代发起运动的志愿人员。这也意味着明确的权力分工。这也意味着,就像他们在任何官僚机构中所做的那样。更多的注意力也集中在筹资上。随着运动的失败,纽约和纽约的足够程度,他们可能失去某些时间。纽约的货币运动。

    Stage 4 is the  decline  of a social movement. Social movements eventually decline for one or more of many reasons. Sometimes they achieve their goals and naturally cease because there is no more reason to continue. More often, however, they decline because they fail. Both the lack of money and loss of enthusiasm among a movement’s members may lead to a movement’s decline, and so might factionalism , or strong divisions of opinion within a movement.
    ::第四阶段是社会运动的衰落。 社会运动最终会因为一个或多个原因而衰落。 有时,社会运动会实现目标,自然会因为没有进一步的理由而停止。 但是,更经常的是,社会运动会因失败而衰落。 缺乏资金和运动成员失去热情都可能导致运动的衰落,因此可能出现宗派主义或运动内部的强烈意见分歧。

    Government responses to a social movement may also cause the movement to decline. The government may “co-opt” a movement by granting it small, mostly symbolic concessions that reduce people’s discontent but leave largely intact the conditions that originally motivated their activism. If their discontent declines, the movement will decline even though these conditions have not changed. Movements also may decline because of government repression. Authoritarian governments may effectively repress movements by arbitrarily arresting activists, beating them up, or even shooting them when they protest (Earl, 2006). Earl, J. (2006). Introduction: Repression and the social control of protest.  Mobilization, 11 , 129–143. Democratic governments are less violent in their response to protest, but their arrest and prosecution of activists may still serve a repressive function by imposing huge legal expenses on a social movement and frightening activists and sympathizers who may not wish to risk arrest and imprisonment. During the Southern civil rights movement, police violence against protesters won national sympathy for the civil rights cause, but arrests and incarceration of civil rights activists in large protest marches looked “better” in comparison and helped stifle dissent without arousing national indignation (Barkan, 1985). Barkan, S. E. (1985).  Protesters on trial: Criminal prosecutions in the Southern civil rights and Vietnam antiwar movements . New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
    ::社会运动的对策也可能导致社会运动的衰落。 政府可能通过给予小运动“共同选择 ” , 主要是象征性的减让,减少人民的不满,但基本上保持最初激励他们积极活动的条件。 如果他们的不满减少,运动将下降,即使这些条件没有改变。 运动也可能因为政府镇压而下降。 独裁政府可能通过任意逮捕活动分子,殴打他们,甚至当抗议时对他们开枪来有效镇压运动(Earl,2006年),Earl, J.(2006年),导言:镇压和抗议的社会控制。 民主政府对抗议的反应不那么暴力,11, 129-143. 民主政府对抗议的反应不那么暴力,但是他们逮捕和起诉活动家可能仍然起到镇压作用,因为社会运动和恐吓活动家和同情者可能不愿面临逮捕和监禁的风险。 在南方民权运动期间,警察对抗议者的暴力行为赢得了国民对民权事业的同情,但在大型抗议游行中,逮捕和监禁民权活动家看起来“更贴” , 比较起来“ ” , “ 压制” , 并且帮助压制异议而不引起国家愤慨(Barkan, 1985年) 。 ; Rustankan Vistrual Vistrill: Rivill: Ristru Vial.

    Political repression sometimes leads a social movement to decline or end altogether. The mass slaughter by Chinese troops of students in Tiananmen Square in June 1989 ended a wave of student protests in that nation.
    ::1989年6月,中国军队在天安门广场大规模屠杀学生,结束了中国学生抗议的浪潮。

    Source: .
    ::资料来源:

    How Social Movements Make a Difference
    ::社会运动如何产生差异

    By definition, social movements often operate outside the political system by engaging in protest. Their rallies, demonstrations, sit-ins, and silent vigils are often difficult to ignore. With the aid of news media coverage, these events often throw much attention on the problem or grievance at the center of the protest and bring pressure to bear on the government agencies, corporations, or other targets of the protest.
    ::从定义上讲,社会运动往往通过抗议活动在政治制度之外活动。 他们的集会、示威、静坐和静默守夜往往很难忽视。 在新闻媒体报导的帮助下,这些事件常常把很多注意力放在问题或不满放在抗议的中心,并对政府机构、公司或其他抗议目标施加压力。

    There are many examples of profound changes brought about by social movements throughout U.S. history (Amenta, Caren, Chiarello, & Sue, 2010; Meyer, 2007; Piven, 2006). Amenta, E., Caren, N., Chiarello, E., & Sue, Y. (2010). The political consequences of social movements.  Annual Review of Sociology, 36 , 287–307; Meyer, D. S. (2007).  The politics of protest: Social movements in America . New York, NY: Oxford University Press; Piven, F. F. (2006).  Challenging authority: How ordinary people change America . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.  The abolitionist movement called attention to the evils of slavery and increased public abhorrence for that “peculiar institution.” The women’s suffrage movement after the Civil War eventually won women the right to vote with the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920. The labor movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries established the minimum wage, the 40-hour workweek, and the right to strike. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s ended legal segregation in the South, while the Vietnam antiwar movement of the 1960s and 1970s helped increase public opposition to that war and bring it to a close. The contemporary women’s movement has won many rights in social institutions throughout American society, while the gay rights movement has done the same for gays and lesbians. Another contemporary movement is the environmental movement, which has helped win legislation and other policies that have reduced air, water, and ground pollution.
    ::美国历史上社会运动带来的深刻变化的例子很多(Amenta、Caren、Chiarello、和Sue,2010年;Meyer,2007年;Piven,2006年);Amenta、E、Caren、N、Chiarello、E、 & Sue、Y.(2010年);社会运动的政治后果;社会学年度评论,36,287-307;Meyer、D.S.(2007年);抗议政治:美国的社会运动;纽约:牛津大学出版社;Piven、F.(2006年);挑战权威:普通人如何改变美国;Lanham、MD:污染和Loltelfield,2006年;Amentamenta、E.E. E.、Caren、N.、N.、N.N.、Chiarello、Y.Sue、Y.(2010年);社会运动:20世纪19世纪末和20世纪初的劳工运动,确定了最低工资、40小时工作周和罢工权利。 1950年代和1960年代的民权运动和1960年代的法律隔离制度,在20世纪70年代结束了。 和1960年代的女子和1960年的社会主义社会运动,使社会主义社会运动更接近于1960年和1960年的社会主义,也结束了。

    Although it seems obvious that social movements have made a considerable difference, social movement scholars until recently have paid much more attention to the origins of social movements than to their consequences (Giugni, 2008). Giugni, M. (2008). Political, biographical, and cultural consequences of social movements.  Sociology Compass, 2 , 1582–1600.  Recent work has begun to fill in this gap and has focused on the consequences of social movements for the political system ( political consequences ), for various aspects of the society’s culture ( cultural consequences ), and for the lives of the people who take part in movements ( biographical consequences ).
    ::尽管社会运动显然已经产生了相当大的不同,但社会运动学者直到最近才开始更加关注社会运动的起源,而不是其后果(Giugni,2008年,Giugni,M.(2008年)。 社会运动的政治、历史和文化后果。 社会学指南,2,1582-1600。 最近的工作已经开始填补这一空白,并侧重于社会运动对政治制度(政治后果)、社会文化的各个方面(文化后果)和参加运动者的生活(个人后果)的影响(社会学指南,2,1582-1600)。

    Regarding political consequences, scholars have considered such matters as whether movements are more successful when they use more protest or less protest, and when they focus on a single issue versus multiple issues. The use of a greater amount of protest seems to be more effective in this regard, as does a focus on a single issue. Research has also found that movements are more likely to succeed when the government against which they protest is weakened by economic or other problems. In another line of inquiry, movement scholars disagree over whether movements are more successful if their organizations are bureaucratic and centralized or if they remain decentralized and thus more likely to engage in protest (Piven & Cloward, 1979; Gamson, 1990). Piven, F. F., & Cloward, R. A. (1979). Poor people’s movements: Why they succeed, how they fail . New York, NY: Vintage Books; Gamson, W. A. (1990).  The strategy of social protest  (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
    ::关于政治后果,学者们审议了运动在使用更多的抗议或较少的抗议时是否更成功,以及运动侧重于单一问题和多个问题时是否更成功等问题。 使用更多的抗议似乎在这方面更有效,而关注一个问题也是如此。 研究还发现,当他们抗议的政府被经济或其他问题削弱时,运动更有可能取得成功。 在另一条调查线上,运动学者们对于运动是否更成功,如果它们的组织是官僚和集中的,或者如果它们仍然分散,因而更有可能参与抗议(Piven & Cloward,1979年;Gamson,1990年)。 Piven, F. F. & Cloward,R.A.(1979年)。 Poor 人民运动:为什么成功,他们是如何失败的。 纽约:Vintage Books;Gamson,W.A.(1990年)。社会抗议战略(第二版),Belmont, CA:Wadsworth。

    Regarding cultural consequences, movements often influence certain aspects of a society’s culture whether or not they intend to do so (Earl, 2004), Earl, J. (2004). The cultural consequences of social movements. In D. A. Snow, S. Soule, & H. Kriesi (Eds.),  The Blackwell companion to social movements  (pp. 508–530). Malden, MA: Blackwell.  and, as one scholar has said, “it is perhaps precisely in being able to alter their broader cultural environment that movements can have their deepest and lasting impact” (Giugni, 2008, p. 1591). Giugni, M. (2008). Political, biographical, and cultural consequences of social movements.  Sociology Compass, 2 , 1582–1600.  Social movements can affect values and beliefs, and they can affect cultural practices such as music, literature, and even fashion.
    ::关于文化后果,运动往往影响社会文化的某些方面,无论他们是否打算这样做(Earl,2004年),Earl,J.(2004年),社会运动的文化后果。在D. A. Snow, S. Soule, & H. Krisi(Eds.),社会运动的Blackwell伴侣(第508-530页,MA: Blackwell. Malden, Malden, MA: Blackwell.),正如一位学者所说,“也许正是在能够改变能够产生最深远和持久影响的更广泛的文化环境时,运动才能产生最深远的影响”(Giugni,2008年,第1591页)。Giugni,M.(2008年)。社会运动的政治、历史和文化后果。社会学协会,2,1582-1600页。 社会运动可以影响价值观和信仰,并影响音乐、文学甚至时尚等文化习俗。

    Movements may also have biographical consequences. Several studies find that people who take part in social movements during their formative years (teens and early 20s) are often transformed by their participation. Their political views change or are at least reinforced, and they are more likely to continue to be involved in political activity and to enter social change occupations. In this manner, writes one scholar, “people who have been involved in social movement activities, even at a lower level of commitment, carry the consequences of that involvement throughout their life” (Giugni, 2008, p. 1590). Giugni, M. (2008). Political, biographical, and cultural consequences of social movements. Sociology Compass, 2 , 1582–1600.
    ::一些研究发现,参与社会运动的人在其成长的岁月(十岁和二十年代初)往往会因参与而改变。 他们的政治观点会改变或至少得到加强,他们更有可能继续参与政治活动和从事社会变革职业。 这样,一位学者写道 , “ 参与社会运动活动的人,即使承诺程度较低,也会在一生中承受这种参与的后果(Giugni,2008年,第1590页)。 ”Giugni, M.(2008年)。 社会运动的政治、历史和文化后果。 社会学协会, 2, 1582-1600。


    KEY TAKEAWAYS
    ::重要任务

    • The major types of social movements are reform movements, revolutionary movements, reactionary movements, self-help movements, and religious movements.
      ::主要类型的社会运动是改革运动、革命运动、反动运动、自助运动和宗教运动。
    • For social movements to succeed, they generally must attract large numbers of participants. Recruitment by people in the social networks of social movement sympathizers plays a key role in transforming them into social movement activists.
      ::社会运动要取得成功,社会运动通常必须吸引大量参与者,社会运动同情者的社会网络招募人员在将他们转变为社会运动活动者方面发挥着关键作用。
    • Four major stages in the life cycle of a social movement include emergence, coalescence, institutionalization or bureaucratization, and decline.
      ::社会运动生命周期的四个主要阶段包括出现、联合、机构化或官僚化以及衰落。
    • Social movements may have political, cultural, and biographical consequences. Political consequences seem most likely to occur when a movement engages in disruptive protest rather than conventional politics and when it has a single-issue focus. Involvement in movements is thought to influence participants’ later beliefs and career choices.
      ::社会运动可能具有政治、文化和历史后果。 当一个运动进行破坏性抗议而不是传统政治时,当它有一个单一的问题焦点时,政治后果似乎最有可能发生。 参与运动被认为会影响参与者后来的信仰和职业选择。

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