Course: 9.1 分权制度 | The Way To Learn

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分权制度

Objectives
::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

Describe the characteristics of caste system and class systems.
::说明种姓制度和阶级制度的特征。

Explain the differences between the major theories of social stratification.
::解释社会分层主要理论之间的差异。

Universal Generalizations
::普遍化

Most societies separate its members on certain characteristics.
::大多数社会根据某些特点将其成员分开。

In today’s societies, sociologist have recognized two specific types of social stratification.
::在当今社会中,社会学家已经认识到两种具体的社会分层类型。

A person’s wealth is comprised of his or her assets and income.
::一个人的财富由其资产和收入组成。

Some sociologists see stratification as a necessary characteristic of the social structure.
::一些社会学家认为分层是社会结构的一个必要特征。

Guiding Questions
::问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问问

What are the characteristics of the stratification systems?
::分层系统有哪些特征?

Describe what determines the level of social inequality in a society?
::描述什么决定社会的社会不平等程度?

What factors contribute to the growing income gap in the United States?
::造成美国收入差距日益扩大的因素是什么?

Explain the major theories of social stratification?
::解释社会分层的主要理论?

Contrast the functionalist and conflict theories of stratification.
::与分层的功能论和冲突论相对立。

Systems of Statification What is it?

::它是什么?

Sociologists use the term social stratification to describe the system of social standing. Social stratification refers to a society’s categorization of its people into rankings of socioeconomic tiers based on factors like wealth, income, race, education, and power.
::社会学家用社会分层一词来描述社会地位制度。社会分层是指社会根据财富、收入、种族、教育和权力等因素将其人民划分为社会经济阶层的等级。

Except for the simplest preindustrial societies, every society is stratified to some extent, and some societies are more stratified than others. Another way of saying this is that some societies have more economic inequality , or a greater difference between the best-off and the worst-off, than others. In modern society, stratification is usually determined by income and other forms of wealth, such as stocks and bonds, but resources such as power and prestige matter, too. No matter what determines it, a society’s stratification has significant consequences for its members’ attitudes, behavior, and, perhaps most important of all, —how well people do in such areas as education, income, and health. We will see examples of these consequences in the pages ahead and end with a discussion of some promising policies and programs for reducing inequality and poverty.
::除了最简单的工业化前社会之外,每个社会在某种程度上都是分层的,有些社会比其他社会更分层。另一种说法是,某些社会的经济不平等程度比其他社会更大,或者说最好和最坏之间的差异更大。在现代社会,分层通常取决于收入和其他形式的财富,比如股票和债券,但资源,比如权力和威望也同样重要。不论什么决定,一个社会的分层都会对其成员的态度、行为,或许最重要的是,对其成员的态度、行为 — — 教育、收入和健康等领域的人做得如何 — — 产生重大影响。在接下来的一页中,我们将看到这些后果的例子,并在最后讨论一些有希望的减少不平等和贫困的政策和方案。

The distinct vertical layers found in rock, called stratification, are a good way to visualize social structure. Society’s layers are made of people, and society’s resources are distributed unevenly throughout the layers. The people who have more resources represent the top layer of the social structure of stratification. Other groups of people, with progressively fewer and fewer resources, represent the lower layers of our society.
::在岩石中发现的独特垂直层,即分层结构,是直观社会结构的好方法。社会层由人组成,社会资源在各层分配不均。资源较多的人代表着分层社会结构的顶层。资源越来越少、越来越少的其他人群代表着我们社会的下层。

A rock formation showing various layers is shown.

Strata in rock illustrate social stratification. People are sorted, or layered, into social categories. Many factors determine a person’s social standing, such as income, education, occupation, as well as age, race, gender, and even physical abilities. (Photo courtesy of Just a Prairie Boy/flickr)
::岩石中的斯特拉塔说明了社会分层。人们被划分为社会类别,或被划分为社会类别。许多因素决定着一个人的社会地位,如收入、教育、职业以及年龄、种族、性别甚至体能。 (Photo只代表Prairie Boy/flickr)

In the United States, people like to believe everyone has an equal chance at success. However, sociologists recognize that social stratification is a society-wide system that makes inequalities apparent. While there are always inequalities between individuals, sociologists are interested in larger social patterns. Stratification is not about individual inequalities, but about systematic inequalities based on group membership, classes, and the like. No individual, rich or poor, can be blamed for social inequalities. A person’s social standing is affected by the structure of society. Although individuals may support or fight inequalities, social stratification is created and supported by society as a whole.
::在美国,人们喜欢相信每个人都有平等的成功机会。然而,社会学家们认识到,社会分层是一个使不平等变得显而易见的全社会体系。尽管个人之间总是存在着不平等,但社会学家对更大的社会模式感兴趣。分层并不是个人不平等,而是基于群体成员、阶级等的系统性不平等。任何个人,无论贫富,都不能被指责为社会不平等的罪魁祸首。一个人的社会地位受到社会结构的影响。尽管个人可以支持或反对不平等,但社会分层是由整个社会创造和支持的。

One side of a block of rowhouses and cars covered in snow is shown.

The people who live in these houses most likely share similar levels of income and education. Neighborhoods often house people of the same social standing. Wealthy families do not typically live next door to poorer families, though this varies depending on the particular city and country. (Photo courtesy of Orin Zebest/flickr)
::居住在这些房屋中的人的收入和教育程度很可能相仿,邻居往往住着社会地位相同的人,富裕家庭通常不住在较贫穷家庭的隔壁,尽管这因特定城市和国家而异。 (Orin Zebest/flickr的Photo礼仪)

Factors that define stratification vary in different societies. In most societies, stratification is an economic system, based on wealth , the net value of money and assets a person has, and income , a person’s wages or investment dividends. While people are regularly categorized based on how rich or poor they are, other important factors influence social standing. For example, in some cultures, wisdom and charisma are valued, and people who have them are revered more than those who don’t. In some cultures, the elderly are esteemed; in others, the elderly are disparaged or overlooked. Societies’ cultural beliefs often reinforce the inequalities of stratification.
::确定分层的因素在不同的社会里各不相同。在大多数社会里,分层是一个经济体系,其基础是财富、金钱和资产的净价值、个人的收入、工资或投资红利。虽然人们通常根据富人或穷人的身份进行分类,但其他重要因素影响着社会地位。比如,在某些文化中,智慧和魅力受到重视,拥有这些智慧和魅力的人比那些没有分层的人受到更多的尊重。在一些文化中,老年人受到尊重;在另一些文化中,老年人受到贬低或忽视。社会的文化信仰常常加剧分层的不平等。

One key determinant of social standing is the social standing of one’s parents. Parents tend to pass their social position on to their children. People inherit not only social standing but also the cultural norms that accompany a certain lifestyle. They share these with a network of friends and family members. Social standing becomes a comfort zone, a familiar lifestyle, and an identity.
::社会地位的一个关键决定因素是父母的社会地位;父母往往将社会地位传给子女;人们不仅继承社会地位,还继承伴随某种生活方式的文化规范;他们与朋友和家庭成员网络分享社会地位;社会地位成为舒适、熟悉的生活方式和身份。

Other determinants are found in a society’s occupational structure. Teachers, for example, often have high levels of education but receive relatively low pay. Many believe that teaching is a noble profession, so teachers should do their jobs for love of their profession and the good of their students, not for money. Yet no successful executive or entrepreneur would embrace that attitude in the business world, where profits are valued as a driving force. Cultural attitudes and beliefs like these support and perpetuate social inequalities.
::社会职业结构中也存在其他决定因素。比如,教师往往拥有高水平的教育水平,但工资相对较低。许多人认为教学是一种崇高的职业,因此教师应该为了热爱自己的职业和学生的利益而工作,而不是为了钱。但在商业界,没有成功的行政或企业家会接受这种态度,因为利润被看做是驱动力。文化态度和信仰如此类支持社会不平等并延续下去。

Systems of Stratification
::分权制度

Sociologists distinguish between two types of systems of stratification. Closed systems accommodate little change in social position. They do not allow people to shift levels and do not permit social relations between levels. Open systems, which are based on achievement, allow movement and interaction between layers and classes. Different systems reflect, emphasize, and foster certain cultural values, and shape individual beliefs. Stratification systems include class systems and caste systems, as well as meritocracy.
::封闭式制度不容许人们改变等级,不允许不同等级之间的社会关系; 建立在成就基础上的开放式制度,允许不同层次和阶层之间的移动和互动; 不同的制度反映、强调和培养某些文化价值观,塑造个人信仰; 分级制度包括阶级制度和种姓制度,以及精英制度。

The Caste System
::种姓制度

A woman in India is shown from behind walking down the street.

India used to have a rigid caste system. The people in the lowest caste suffered from extreme poverty and were shunned by society. Some aspects of India’s defunct caste system remain socially relevant. In this photo, an Indian woman of a specific Hindu caste works in construction, demolishing and building houses. (Photo courtesy of Elessar/flickr)
::印度曾经有僵硬的种姓制度。最底层种姓的人民遭受极端贫困,被社会抛弃。印度已经绝种的种姓制度的某些方面仍然具有社会相关性。照片中,印度某个特定印度种姓的妇女从事建筑、拆除和建造房屋的工作。 (Elessar/Flickr的Photo礼仪)

Caste systems are closed stratification systems in which people can do little or nothing to change their social standing. A caste system is one in which people are born into their social standing and will remain in it their whole lives. People are assigned occupations regardless of their talents, interests, or potential. There are virtually no opportunities to improve one’s social position.
::种姓制度是封闭的分层制度,人们在这种制度中几乎无所作为,无法改变他们的社会地位。种姓制度是人们生来就具有社会地位并且将终生留在其中的制度。人们被分配职业,而不管他们的才能、兴趣或潜力如何。几乎没有机会改善自己的社会地位。

In the Hindu caste tradition, people were expected to work in the occupation of their caste and to enter into marriage according to their caste. Accepting this social standing was considered a moral duty. Cultural values reinforced the system. Caste systems promote beliefs in fate, destiny, and the will of a higher power, rather than promoting individual freedom as a value. A person who lived in a caste society was socialized to accept his or her social standing.
::在印度教种姓传统中,人们应在其种姓职业中工作,并根据自己的种姓结婚;接受这种社会地位被视为道德义务;文化价值观强化了这一制度;种姓制度促进对命运、命运和更高权力的意志的信念,而不是促进个人自由作为一种价值;生活在种姓社会中的人被社会化,接受他或她的社会地位。

For many years, the best-known caste system was in India, where, supported by Hindu beliefs emphasizing the acceptance of one’s fate in life, several major castes dictated one’s life chances from the moment of birth, especially in rural areas (Kerbo, 2009). Kerbo, H. R. (2009). Social stratification and inequality . New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. People born in the lower castes lived in abject poverty throughout their lives. Another caste, the harijan , or untouchables , was considered so low that technically it was not thought to be a caste at all. People in this caste were called the untouchables because they were considered unclean and were prohibited from coming near to people in the higher castes. Traditionally, caste membership in India almost totally determined an individual’s life, including what job you had and whom you married; for example, it was almost impossible to marry someone in another caste. After India won its independence from Britain in 1949, its new constitution granted equal rights to the untouchables. Modern communication and migration into cities further weakened the caste system, as members of different castes now had more contact with each other. Still, caste prejudice remains a problem in India and illustrates the continuing influence of its traditional system of social stratification.
::多年来,最知名的种姓制度在印度,印度在印度,印度信仰强调接受一个人的人生命运,印度的信仰支持着印度,几个主要种姓决定了一个人从出生开始即刻起的生活机会,特别是在农村地区(Kerbo,2009年,Kerbo,H.R.2009年)。社会分层和不平等。纽约:McGraw-Hill。低种姓出生的人一生生活在赤贫之中。另一个种姓,即哈里扬人或贱民,被认为非常低,从技术上讲,这根本不被认为是一种种姓。这种种姓的人被称为贱民,因为他们被视为不干净,被禁止接近较高种姓的人。传统上,印度的种姓成员资格几乎完全决定了个人的生活,包括你拥有和结婚的工作;例如,几乎不可能与另一个种姓的人结婚。印度1949年从英国获得独立后,其新宪法赋予贱民同等权利。现代通信和移民进一步削弱了种姓制度,因为不同的种姓制度的成员现在与不同的种姓制度有着同样的偏见。

Although the caste system in India has been officially dismantled, its residual presence in Indian society is deeply embedded. In rural areas, aspects of the tradition are more likely to remain, while urban centers show less evidence of this past. In India’s larger cities, people now have more opportunities to choose their own career paths and marriage partners. As a global center of employment, corporations have introduced merit-based hiring and employment to the nation.
::尽管印度的种姓制度已经正式瓦解,但其在印度社会中的残余存在已经根深蒂固。在农村地区,传统的某些方面更有可能继续存在,而城市中心则没有多少这方面的证据。在印度大城市,人们现在有更多的机会选择自己的职业道路和婚姻伙伴。作为全球就业中心,公司向国家引入了择优雇用和就业。

Class Systems
::级系统系统

Many societies, including all industrial ones, have . In this system of stratification, a person is born into a social ranking but can move up or down from it much more easily than in caste systems or slave societies. This movement in either direction is primarily the result of a person’s own effort, knowledge, and skills or lack of them. Although these qualities do not aid upward movement in caste or slave societies, they often do enable upward movement in class societies. Of the three systems of stratification discussed so far, class systems are by far the most open, meaning they have the most vertical mobility. We will look later at social class in the United States and discuss the extent of vertical mobility in American society.
::许多社会,包括所有工业社会,都拥有。在这个分层体系中,一个人出生在社会等级体系中,但比在种姓体系或奴隶社会更容易向上或向下移动。这种向任一方向的移动都主要是个人自身努力、知识和技能或缺乏这些技能的结果。虽然这些品质无助于种姓或奴隶社会向上移动,但往往能帮助阶级社会向上移动。在迄今讨论的三种分层体系中,等级体系是迄今为止最开放的,这意味着它们具有最垂直的流动性。我们稍后将审视美国的社会阶级,并讨论美国社会纵向流动性的程度。

Sociologist Max Weber, had much to say about class systems of stratification. Such systems, he wrote, are based on three dimensions of stratification: class (which we will call wealth ), power, and prestige. is the total value of an individual or family, including income, stocks, bonds, real estate, and other assets; is the ability to influence others to do your bidding, even if they do not want to; and refers to the status and esteem people hold in the eyes of others.
::社会学家马克斯·韦伯(Max Weber)对阶级分层制度有很多话要说。他写道,这种制度基于分层制度的三个层面:阶级(我们称之为财富 ) 、权力和威望。阶级(我们称之为财富 ) 、权力和威望是个人或家庭的总价值,包括收入、股票、债券、房地产和其他资产;能够影响他人做你的投标,即使他们不想这样做;并提到他人眼中的人们的地位和自尊。

In discussing these three dimensions, Weber disagreed somewhat with Karl Marx, who said our ranking in society depends on whether we own the means of production. Marx thus felt that the primary dimension of stratification in class systems was economic. Weber readily acknowledged the importance of this economic dimension but thought power and prestige also matter. He further said that although wealth, power, and prestige usually go hand-in-hand, they do not always overlap. For example, although the head of a major corporation has a good deal of wealth, power, and prestige, we can think of many other people who are high on one dimension but not on the other two. A professional athlete who makes millions of dollars a year has little power in the political sense that Weber meant it. An organized crime leader might also be very wealthy but have little prestige outside the criminal underworld. Conversely, a scientist or professor may enjoy much prestige but not be very wealthy.
::在讨论这三个层面时,韦伯与卡尔·马克思有些不同,他说我们在社会中的排名取决于我们是否拥有生产手段。因此马克思认为阶级体系中分层的主要层面是经济的。韦伯欣然承认这一经济层面的重要性,但思考权力和声望也很重要。他进一步指出,尽管财富、权力和声望通常会携手并进,但并不总是重叠。例如,尽管一个大公司的负责人拥有大量财富、权力和声望,但我们可以想到许多其他人,他们在一个层面处于高位,而不是在另外两个层面。一个一年生产数百万美元的专业运动员在Weber意指它的政治意义上没有多少权力。一个有组织犯罪领导人也可能非常富有,但在犯罪地下世界之外却几乎没有声望。相反,科学家或教授可能享有很大声望,但并不非常富有。

In class systems, people have the option to form exogamous marriages, unions of spouses from different social categories. Marriage in these circumstances is based on values such as love and compatibility rather than on social standing or economics. Though social conformities still exist that encourage people to choose partners within their own class, people are not as pressured to choose marriage partners based solely on those elements. For example, although Michael formed an endogamous union, marrying a partner from his same social background, Lisa formed an exogamous union, marrying someone outside her social categories.
::在阶级制度下,人们可以选择组成异族通婚、不同社会类别配偶的结合;在这种情况下,婚姻是基于爱和兼容性等价值观,而不是基于社会地位或经济学;尽管仍然存在鼓励人们在自己的阶级中选择伴侣的社会一致性,但人们没有压力仅仅根据这些因素选择婚姻伴侣;例如,虽然迈克尔组建了异族联姻,与来自同一社会背景的伴侣结婚,丽莎组建了异族联姻,与不属于其社会类别的人结婚。

GRAPH DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH AND INCOME IN THE U.S. BY RACE
::按区域分列的美国消费和收入分配情况

The Dimensions of Social Stratification

::社会分化的方方面面

Max Weber formed a three-component theory of stratification in which social difference is determined by class, status, and power. Weber derived many of his key concepts on social stratification by examining the social structure of Germany. Weber analyzed how many members of the aristocracy lacked economic wealth, yet had strong political power. He noted that, contrary to Marx's theories, stratification was based on more than ownership of capital. Many wealthy families lacked prestige and power, for example, because they were Jewish. Weber introduced three independent factors that form his theory of stratification hierarchy: class, status, and power. He treated these as separate but related sources of power, each with different effects on social action.
::麦克斯·韦伯(Max Weber)形成了三部分分层理论,其中社会差异是由阶级、地位和权力决定的。韦伯(Weber)通过研究德国的社会结构来得出他关于社会分层的许多关键概念。韦伯(Weber)分析了有多少贵族缺乏经济财富,但拥有强大的政治权力。他指出,与马克思(Marx)的理论相反,分层分层所基于的不仅仅是资本所有权。许多富裕家庭缺乏声望和权力,例如因为他们是犹太人。韦伯(Weber)引入了三个独立因素,形成他的分层等级理论:阶级、地位和权力。他把这些作为独立但相关的权力来源对待,每个来源都对社会行动有不同的影响。

Class is a person's economic position in a society, based on birth and individual achievement. Weber differs from Marx in that he did not see this as the supreme factor in stratification. Weber noted that managers of corporations or industries control firms they do not own; Marx would have placed such a person in the proletariat.
::Weber与Marx不同,因为他不认为这是分层的最高因素。 Weber指出,公司或行业的管理人员控制着他们并不拥有的公司或企业;Marx会将这样的人置于无产区。

Status refers to a person's prestige, social honor, or popularity in a society. Weber noted that political power was not rooted solely in capital value, but also in one's individual status. Poets or saints, for example, can possess immense influence on society, often with little economic worth.
::维伯指出,政治权力不仅根植于资本价值,也根植于个人地位。比如,诗人或圣徒可以对社会拥有巨大的影响力,往往经济价值很小。

Power refers to a person's ability to get their way despite the resistance of others. For example, individuals in state jobs, such as an employee of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or a member of the United States Congress, may hold little property or status, but they still hold immense power.
::权力是指一个人不顾他人的抵抗而能够走自己的路。比如,从事国家工作的个人,如联邦调查局的雇员或美国国会的成员,可能拥有很少的财产或地位,但他们仍然拥有巨大的权力。

U.S. Congress in Present Times

Using Weber's theory of stratification, members of the U.S. Congress are at the top of the social hierarchy because they have high power and status, despite having relatively little wealth on average.
::利用Weber的分层理论, 美国国会成员在社会等级体系中位居首位, 因为他们权力和地位都很高, 尽管平均而言财富相对较少。

When ranking people, sociologists use an individual's wealth, power, and prestige to calculate a person's socioeconomic status (SES). Socioeconomic status combines social factors such as income, educational attainment, occupational prestige, and wealth. The SES is utilized to categorize a person's position in the stratification system.
::社会学家们利用个人财富、权力和声望来计算个人的社会经济地位。社会经济地位结合了收入、教育程度、职业声望和财富等社会因素。社会学家们利用社会经济学将一个人在分层制度中的地位分类。

RATING PRESTIGE

::减退前

These occupational prestige ratings were gathered from the General Social Survey(GSS) and are based on a scale ranging from a low of 1 to a high of 100.
::这些职业声望评分是从一般社会调查(GSS)中收集的,以最低1至最高100的等级为基础。

PRESTIGE RATING FOR SELECTED OCCUPATIONS
OCCUPATION	RATING	OCCUPATION	RATING
Physicians	86	Firefighter	53
Lawyers	75	Electrician	51
Registered Nurse	66	Mail Carrier	47
High School Teacher	66	Musician/Composer	47
Accountant	65	Farmer	40
Airline Pilot	61	Child- Care Provider	36
Computer Programmer	61	Retail Apparel Salesperson	30
Sociologist	61	Garbage Collector	28
Police Officer	60	Waiter/Waitress	28
Actor	60	Janitor	22

EXPLAINING STRATIFICATION
::引渡和引渡引渡和引渡

Sociologists want to determine not only what social stratificatiion is but are also interested in its causes and effects. Functionalists and conflict theorists have emerged with their own findings. Other sociologist have become aware of the functionalists and conflict theorists weaknesses and have attempted to combined elements of both theories.
::社会学家不仅想确定社会分层的满足程度,而且想了解其原因和影响。功能学家和冲突理论家随着他们自己的发现而出现。其他社会学家已经意识到功能学家和冲突理论家的弱点,并试图将这两种理论的要素结合起来。

Theory Snapshot
::理论截图

Theoretical perspective	Major assumptions
Functionalism	Stratification is necessary to induce people with special intelligence, knowledge, and skills to enter the most important occupations. For this reason, stratification is necessary and inevitable.
Conflict	Stratification results from lack of opportunity and from discrimination and prejudice against the poor, women, and people of color. It is neither necessary nor inevitable.
Symbolic interactionism	Stratification affects people’s beliefs, lifestyles, daily interaction, and conceptions of themselves.

The Functionalist View
::功能论者观点

Functionalist theory assumes that the various structures and processes in society exist because they serve important functions for society’s stability and continuity. In line with this view, functionalist theorists in sociology assume that stratification exists because it also serves important functions for society. This explanation was developed more than 60 years ago by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore (Davis & Moore, 1945) Davis, K., & Moore, W. (1945). Some principles of stratification. American Sociological Review, 10 , 242–249. in the form of several logical assumptions that imply stratification is both necessary and inevitable. When applied to American society, their assumptions would be as follows:
::根据这一观点,社会学中的功能论理论家认为分层论者认为,分层论者之所以存在,也是因为它为社会服务的重要功能。这一解释是60多年前由Kingsley Davis和Wilbert Moore(Davis & Moore,1945年)Davis、K. & Moore,W.(1945年)发展出来的。一些分层原则。美国社会学评论,10,242-249, 其形式为若干逻辑假设,暗示分层,既必要,也不可避免。当适用于美国社会时,这些假设如下:

Some jobs are more important than other jobs. For example, the job of a brain surgeon is more important than the job of shoe-shining.
::有些工作比其他工作更重要,例如,脑外科医生的工作比脱鞋工作更重要。

Some jobs require more skills and knowledge than other jobs. To stay with our example, it takes more skills and knowledge to do brain surgery than to shine shoes.
::有些工作需要比其他工作更多的技能和知识。要坚持我们的榜样,做脑外科手术需要更多的技能和知识,而不是擦鞋。

Relatively few people have the ability to acquire the skills and knowledge that are needed to do these important, highly skilled jobs. Most of us would be able to do a decent job of shining shoes, but very few of us would be able to become brain surgeons.
::相对而言,很少有人有能力获得完成这些重要、高技能工作所需的技能和知识。我们大多数人能够做一个光鞋的体面工作,但很少有人能成为脑外科医生。

To induce the people with the skills and knowledge to do the important, highly skilled jobs, society must promise them higher incomes or other rewards. If this is true, some people automatically end up higher in society’s ranking system than others, and stratification is thus necessary and inevitable. To illustrate this, say we have a society where shining shoes and doing brain surgery both give us incomes of $150,000 per year. (This example is very hypothetical, but please keep reading.) If you decide to shine shoes, you can begin making this money at age 16, but if you decide to become a brain surgeon, you will not start making this same amount until about age 35, as you first must go to college and medical school and then acquire several more years of medical training. While you have spent 19 additional years beyond age 16 getting this education and training and taking out tens of thousands of dollars in student loans, you could have spent these 19 years shining shoes and making $150,000 a year, or $2.85 million overall. Which job would you choose?
::为了引导拥有技能和知识的人从事重要、高技能的工作,社会必须承诺给他们更高的收入或其他奖励。如果这是事实,一些人在社会排名系统中的成绩会自动高于其他人,因此分层化是必要和不可避免的。举例来说,我们可以说,我们的社会有闪光鞋和脑外科手术每年给我们收入150 000美元。 (这个例子非常假设,但请继续阅读。 )如果你决定擦擦鞋,你可以在16岁开始挣钱,但如果你决定成为脑外科医生,那么你就不会开始做同样数额,直到35岁左右,因为你必须首先上大学和医学院,然后接受几年的医疗培训。尽管你已经超过16岁再花了19年时间来接受这一教育和培训,并且从学生贷款中拿出数以万计的美元,但你可以花这19年的亮鞋,每年赚15万美元,或者总共285万美元。你会选择哪一份工作?

As this example suggests, many people might not choose to become brain surgeons unless considerable financial and other rewards awaited them. By extension, we might not have enough people filling society’s important jobs unless they know they will be similarly rewarded. If this is true, we must have stratification. This all sounds very logical, but a few years after Davis and Moore published their functionalist theory of stratification, other sociologists pointed out some serious problems in their argument (Tumin, 1953; Wrong, 1959). Tumin, M. M. (1953). Some principles of stratification: A critical analysis. American Sociological Review, 18 , 387–393; Wrong, D. H. (1959). The functional theory of stratification: Some neglected considerations. American Sociological Review, 24 , 772–782.
::正如这个例子所示,许多人可能不会选择成为脑外科医生,除非等待着巨大的财政和其他回报。推而广之,我们可能没有足够的人来填补社会的重要工作,除非他们知道他们会得到类似的奖励。如果这是事实,我们必须有分层。这听起来非常合乎逻辑,但在戴维斯和摩尔发表其分层功能理论之后的几年里,其他社会学家指出他们的论点存在一些严重问题(Tumin,1953年;错误,1959年)。Tumin,M.M.(1953年)。一些分层原则:批判性分析。《美国社会学评论》,18,387-393;错误,D.H.(1959年)。分层功能理论:一些被忽视的考虑。《美国社会学评论》,24,772-782。

Functional theory argues that the promise of very high incomes is necessary to induce talented people to pursue important careers such as surgery. If physicians and shoe shiners made the same high income, would enough people decide to become physicians?
::功能理论认为,非常高收入的许诺对于引导有才华的人从事像外科手术这样的重要职业是必要的。如果医生和擦鞋工人的收入同样高,那么有足够的人决定成为医生吗?

First, it is difficult to compare the importance of many types of jobs. For example, which is more important, doing brain surgery or mining coal? Although you might be tempted to answer “brain surgery,” if no coal were mined, much of our society could not function. In another example, which job is more important, attorney or professor? (Be careful how you answer this one!)
::首先,很难比较许多类型工作的重要性。比如,更重要的是做脑外科手术或开采煤炭。尽管你可能想要回答“脑外科 ” , 但没有煤炭被开采,但社会上的大部分人无法发挥作用。在另一个例子中,哪项工作更重要,律师或教授? (小心你如何回答这个问题! )

Second, the functionalist explanation implies that the most important jobs have the highest incomes and the least important jobs the lowest incomes, but many examples, including the ones just mentioned, counter this view. Coal miners make much less money than physicians, and professors, for better or worse, earn much less on the average than lawyers. A professional athlete making millions of dollars a year earns many times the income of the president of the United States, but who is more important to the nation? Elementary school teachers do a very important job in our society, but their salaries are much lower than those of sports agents, advertising executives, and many other people whose jobs are far less essential.
::其次,功能论的解释意味着最重要的工作收入最高,而最不重要的工作收入最低,但许多例子,包括刚才提到的那些例子,都与这一观点相反。煤矿工人的收入比医生和教授的收入要少得多,而教授的薪水也比律师平均收入要少得多。专业运动员一年挣数百万美元,是美国总统收入的很多倍,但谁对国家更重要? 小学教师在我们的社会中做着非常重要的工作,但是他们的工资远远低于体育社员、广告经理和其他许多工作远不那么重要的人的工资。

Third, the functionalist view also implies that people move up the economic ladder based on their abilities, skills, knowledge, and, more generally, their merit. If this is true, another implication is that if they do not move up the ladder, they lack the necessary merit. This view ignores the fact that much of our stratification stems from lack of equal opportunity, as our Monopoly example at the beginning of the chapter made clear. Because of their race, ethnicity, gender, and class standing at birth, some people have less opportunity than others to acquire the skills and training they need to fill the types of jobs addressed by the functionalist approach.
::第三,功能论观点还意味着人们根据其能力、技能、知识以及更广义的优点而向经济阶梯上攀升,如果确实如此,另一个含义是,如果他们不向阶梯上攀升,他们就缺乏必要的优点,这种观点忽视了这样一个事实,即我们分层的很大一部分是缺乏平等机会,正如我们在本章开头的“垄断”的例子所表明的那样,由于他们的种族、族裔、性别和出生时的阶级地位,有些人比其他人少有机会获得所需的技能和培训,以填补功能论方法处理的各类工作。

Finally, the functionalist explanation might make sense up to a point, but it does not justify the extremes of wealth and poverty found in the United States and other nations. Even if we do have to promise higher incomes to get enough people to become physicians, does that mean we also need the amount of poverty we have? Do CEOs of corporations really need to make millions of dollars per year to get enough qualified people to become CEOs? Don’t people take on a CEO job or other high-paying job at least partly because of the challenge, working conditions, and other positive aspects they offer? The functionalist view does not answer these questions adequately.
::最后,功能论者的解释也许有道理,但它不能证明美国和其他国家存在的财富和贫困极端现象是有道理的。即使我们必须承诺提高收入,让足够多的人成为医生,这是否意味着我们也需要贫困的程度? 公司首席执行官真的需要每年赚数百万美元才能让足够合格的人成为首席执行官吗?人们之所以不从事首席执行官工作或其他高薪工作,至少部分是由于他们的挑战、工作条件和其他积极方面造成的?功能论者的观点并不能充分解答这些问题。

The Conflict View
::冲突视图

Conflict theory’s explanation of stratification draws on Karl Marx’s view of class societies and incorporates the critique of the functionalist view just discussed. Many different explanations grounded in conflict theory exist, but they all assume that stratification stems from a fundamental conflict between the needs and interests of the powerful, or “haves,” in society and those of the weak, or “have-nots” (Kerbo, 2009). Kerbo, H. R. (2009). Social stratification and inequality . New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. The former take advantage of their position at the top of society to stay at the top, even if it means oppressing those at the bottom. At a minimum, they can heavily influence the law, the media, and other institutions in a way that maintains society’s class structure.
::卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)对分层划分的理论解释来自卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)对阶级社会的观点,并包含了对刚刚讨论的功能主义观点的批评。许多基于冲突理论的不同解释都存在,但他们都认为分层划分源于社会上强者或弱者或“富人”或“穷人”的需要和利益之间的根本冲突(Kerbo, 2009/Kerbo, H.R. (2009) ) 。社会分层划分和不平等。纽约: McGraw-Hill(New York ) 。前者利用他们在社会顶层的地位留在高层,即使这意味着压迫底层的人。至少,他们可以以一种维持社会阶级结构的方式对法律、媒体和其他体制施加重大影响。

Ideology and Stratification
::意识形态和分化

In explaining stratification, conflict theory emphasizes , or a set of ideas that justifies the status quo. This emphasis goes back to the work of Marx, who said the ruling class shapes and even controls the ruling ideas of a society. It tries to shape these ideas so that they justify the existing order and decrease the chances that the poor will challenge it. The key goal of the ruling class here is to prevent the poor from achieving , or an awareness of their oppression and the true reasons for it (Marx & Engels, 1947). Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1947). The German ideology . New York, NY: International Publishers. If the poor instead do not recognize their interests as a class that does not control the means of production, they suffer from .
::在解释分层性时,冲突理论强调,或者说一系列为现状辩护的想法。这种强调可追溯到马克思的工作,马克思说统治阶级塑造甚至控制一个社会的统治思想。它试图塑造这些思想,以便它们为现有的秩序辩护,并减少穷人挑战它的机会。这里统治阶级的主要目标是防止穷人实现或认识他们的压迫及其真实原因(马克思和恩格斯,1947年)。马克思、K.和恩格尔斯,F.(1947年)。德国的意识形态,纽约:国际出版商。如果穷人不承认他们的利益是不能控制生产手段的阶层,他们就会遭受痛苦。

As an example, Marx called religion the “opiate of the masses.” By this he meant that religious beliefs influence the poor to feel that their fate in life is God’s will or a test of their belief in God. If they hold such beliefs, they will neither blame their poverty on the rich nor rebel against them. Religious beliefs help create false consciousness.
::比如,马克思将宗教称为“群众的拥护者 ” 。他的意思是宗教信仰影响穷人,让他们觉得自己的命运是上帝的旨意,或者是他们信仰上帝的考验。如果他们持有这种信仰,他们就不会把贫穷归咎于富人,也不会反抗他们。宗教信仰有助于制造虚假意识。

Ideological beliefs bolster every system of stratification and domination. In slave societies, the dominant ideology, and one that at least some slaves accepted, was that slaves are inferior to their masters and deserve no better fate in life. When U.S. slavery existed in the South, it was commonly thought that blacks were biologically inferior and suited only to be slaves. Caste societies, as we noted earlier, have similar beliefs that justify the existence and impact of the caste system. Hitler’s “final solution” likewise rested on the belief that Jews and other groups he targeted were biologically inferior and deserving of extermination.
::意识形态信仰支持了每一种分层和统治制度。在奴隶社会,占主导地位的意识形态,至少是某些奴隶所接受的意识形态,就是奴隶比奴隶主人低劣,在生活中没有更好的命运。当美国奴隶制度存在于南方时,人们通常认为黑人在生物上低劣,只适合奴隶。正如我们早些时候指出的那样,种姓社会有着类似的信仰,证明种姓制度的存在和影响是正当的。希特勒的“最终解决方案”同样基于这样的信念,即他所针对的犹太人和其他群体在生物学上是低劣的,值得灭绝。

Conflict theory assumes that class position influences our perceptions of social and political life, even if not to the degree envisioned by Marx. Some national survey data support this assumption. A General Social Survey question asks whether it is the government’s responsibility to “reduce income differences between the rich and poor.” As shows, low-income people are much more likely than high-income people to think the government has this responsibility.
::冲突理论假设阶级地位影响我们对社会和政治生活的看法,即使程度不如马克思所预想的。一些全国性调查数据支持这一假设。社会总调查质疑政府是否有责任“缩小贫富收入差距 ” 。事实表明,低收入者比高收入者更有可能认为政府负有这一责任。

Figure 8.2 Annual Family Income and Belief That Government “Should Reduce Income Differences Between the Rich and Poor”
::图8.2 政府“应减少贫富收入差距”的家庭收入和信仰

Source: Data from General Social Survey, 2006.
::资料来源:2006年社会普查数据。

Symbolic Interactionism
::符号互动主义

Symbolic interactionism tries to understand stratification by looking at people’s interaction and understandings in their daily lives. Unlike the functionalist and conflict views, it does not try to explain why we have stratification in the first place. Rather, it examines the differences that stratification makes for people’s lifestyles and their interaction with other people.
::象征式互动主义试图通过审视人们日常生活中的相互作用和理解来理解分层。与功能论和冲突论不同,它并不试图解释我们最初为什么分层的原因。相反,它审视了分层化给人们的生活方式及其与其他人的互动带来的差异。

One of the most insightful analyses of stratification that fits into a symbolic interactionist framework was Thorstein Veblin’s (1899/1953) Veblen, T. (1953). The theory of the leisure class: An economic study of institutions . New York, NY: New American Library. (Original work published 1899) famous discussion of conspicuous consumption , or the acquisition and display by the wealthy of lavish products that show off their wealth. The very rich do not need mansions or other very opulent homes, and neither do they need a motor vehicle costing upward of $100,000 or more or jewelry costing thousands and thousands of dollars. Yet they purchase these products to show off their wealth and to feel better about themselves. Examples of the symbolic interactionist framework are also seen in the many literary works and films that portray the difficulties that the rich and poor have in interacting on the relatively few occasions when they do interact.
::对属于象征性互动主义框架的分层进行最有见地的分析之一是索尔斯坦·韦布林的《(1899/1953)维伯伦,T.(1953)》。休闲课理论:机构的经济研究。纽约:新美国图书馆。(原始著作发表于1899年)著名的关于显著消费的讨论,或富人获取和展示显露其财富的奢侈产品。富人不需要庄园或其他非常富裕的住宅,也不需要一辆价值超过10万美元或更多的汽车,也不需要价值数千美元的珠宝。但是,他们购买这些产品是为了炫耀其财富和自我感觉更好。象征性互动主义框架的例子也见于许多文学作品和电影中,这些作品描述了富人和穷人在互动的相对少的场合中互动的困难。

Key Takeaways
::密钥外出

According to the functionalist view, stratification is a necessary and inevitable consequence of the need to use the promise of financial reward to induce talented people to pursue important jobs and careers.
::功能论者认为,分层分层是必要和不可避免的后果,因为需要利用金钱奖励的许诺来诱导有才华的人从事重要的工作和职业。

According to conflict theory, stratification results from lack of opportunity and discrimination against the poor and people of color.
::根据冲突理论,分层分层是缺乏机会和对穷人和有色人种的歧视造成的。

According to symbolic interactionism, social class affects how people interact in everyday life and how they view certain aspects of the social world.
::根据象征性的互动主义,社会阶层影响人们如何在日常生活中互动,以及他们如何看待社会世界的某些方面。

For Your Review
::供您审阅

In explaining stratification in the United States, which view, functionalist or conflict, makes more sense to you? Why?
::在美国解释分层时,哪一种观点、理论主义观点或冲突对你们更有意义? 为什么?

Suppose you could wave a magic wand and invent a society where everyone had about the same income no matter which job he or she performed. Do you think it would be difficult to persuade enough people to become physicians or to pursue other important careers? Explain your answer.
::假设你能够挥舞魔杖,创造出一个人人都有相同收入的社会,不管他(她)做了什么工作。你认为说服足够人成为医生或从事其他重要职业会很难吗?请解释你的答案。

Section outline

General

分权制度

Systems of Statification What is it? ::它是什么?

Systems of Stratification ::分权制度

The Caste System ::种姓制度

Class Systems ::级系统系统

The Dimensions of Social Stratification ::社会分化的方方面面

RATING PRESTIGE ::减退前

EXPLAINING STRATIFICATION ::引渡和引渡 引渡和引渡

The Functionalist View ::功能论者观点

The Conflict View ::冲突视图

Symbolic Interactionism ::符号互动主义

Key Takeaways ::密钥外出

For Your Review ::供您审阅