章节大纲

  • Objectives
    ::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

    Explain how power varies by the type of government that is in place.
    ::解释权力如何因政府类型而异。

    Describe the major characteristics of the U.S.  political system.
    ::描述美国政治制度的主要特点。


    Universal Generalizations
    ::普遍化

    All societies exercise some a certain amount of power over its members.
    ::所有社会都对其成员行使某种程度的权力。

    Power that is from the consent of the governed is a legitimate government.
    ::获得被治理者同意的权力是合法政府。

    Traditional authority is based on longstanding custom.
    ::传统权威基于长期的习俗。

    How power is exercised by a state varies by its type of government.
    ::一个国家如何行使权力,因政府类型而异。


    Guiding Questions
    ::问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问

    Can a society function without a form of government?
    ::一个社会在没有政府形式的情况下能够运作吗?

    What is the purpose of government?
    ::政府的目的是什么?

    Describe the different types of authority.
    ::描述不同类型的权力。

    How does the state differ from the government?
    ::国家与政府有何不同?

    Describe the major characteristics of the U.S.  political systems?
    ::描述美国政治制度的主要特点?

    What is the purpose of a political party?
    ::政党的目的是什么?

    What role do interest groups play in the American political process?
    ::利益集团在美国政治进程中发挥什么作用?


    The Sociological View of Politics
    ::政治的社会学观点

     

    The White House and the fountains and gardens in front of it are shown.

    The White House, one of the world’s most widely recognized state buildings, symbolizes the authority of the U.S. presidency. (Courtesy U.S. National Archives/Wikimedia Commons)
    ::白宫是世界上得到最广泛承认的国家建筑之一,它象征着美国总统的权威。 (美国国家档案院/维基媒体公文院)


    Sociologists have a distinctive approach to studying governmental power and authority that differs from the perspective of political scientists. For the most part, political scientists focus on studying how power is distributed in different types of political systems. They would observe, for example, that the United States’ political system is divided into three distinct branches (legislative, executive, and judicial), and they would explore how public opinion affects political parties, elections, and the political process in general. Sociologists, however, tend to be more interested in the influences of governmental power on society and in how social conflicts arise from the distribution of power. Sociologists also examine how the use of power affects local, state, national, and global agendas, which in turn affect people differently based on status, class, and socioeconomic standing.
    ::社会学家对研究政府权力和权威有着与政治科学家不同的观点。 政治学家大多侧重于研究不同类型的政治制度如何分配权力。 比如,他们观察到美国的政治制度分为三个不同的分支(立法、行政和司法 ) , 他们将探索公众舆论如何影响政党、选举和整个政治进程。 然而,社会学家往往更关心政府权力对社会的影响以及权力分配如何引发社会冲突。 社会学家还研究权力的使用如何影响地方、州、国家和全球议程,而这反过来又会根据地位、阶级和社会经济地位对人民产生不同的影响。

     refers to the distribution and exercise of power within a society, and   refers to the political institution through which power is distributed and exercised. In any society, decisions must be made regarding the allocation of resources and other matters. Except perhaps in the simplest societies, specific people and often specific organizations make these decisions. Depending on the society, they sometimes make these decisions solely to benefit themselves and other times make these decisions to benefit the society as a whole. Regardless of who benefits, a central point is this: some individuals and groups have more power than others. Because power is so essential to an understanding of politics, we begin our discussion of politics with a discussion of power.
    ::权力分配和行使是指社会内部的权力分配和行使,是指权力分配和行使的政治体制。在任何社会中,都必须就资源分配和其他事项作出决定。也许除了最简单的社会、特定的人和经常是特定组织作出这些决定之外。根据社会的情况,他们有时作出这些决定只是为了使自己受益,有时则作出这些决定是为了使整个社会受益。不管谁受益,一个中心点是:一些个人和团体比其他个人和团体拥有更大的权力。由于权力对于了解政治至关重要,我们开始讨论政治时要讨论权力问题。

    Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini are show riding together in a car.

    Nazi leader Adolf Hitler was one of the most powerful and destructive dictators in modern history, pictured here with fascist Benito Mussolini of Italy. (Photo courtesy of U.S. National Archives and Records Administration)

    ::纳粹领导人阿道夫·希特勒是现代史上最强大和最具破坏性的独裁者之一,以意大利法西斯贝尼托·墨索里尼在这里描绘。

     refers to the ability to have one’s will carried out despite the resistance of others. Most of us have seen a striking example of raw power when we are driving a car and see a police car in our rearview mirror. At that particular moment, the driver of that car has enormous power over us. We make sure we strictly obey the speed limit and all other driving rules. If, alas, the police car’s lights are flashing, we stop the car, as otherwise we may be in for even bigger trouble. When the officer approaches our car, we ordinarily try to be as polite as possible and pray we do not get a ticket. When you were 16 and your parents told you to be home by midnight or else, your arrival home by this curfew again illustrated the use of power, in this case parental power. If a child in middle school gives her lunch to a bully who threatens her, that again is an example of the use of power, or, in this case, the misuse of power.
    ::当我们驾驶汽车时,我们大多数人看到一个生力的突出例子,看到后视镜里有一辆警车。在那个特定时刻,该车的司机对我们拥有巨大的权力。我们确保我们严格遵守车速限制和其他所有驾驶规则。 可惜,如果警车的灯光在闪亮,我们就停了车,否则我们可能会遇到更大的麻烦。当警察接近我们的车时,我们通常尽量礼貌,祈祷我们不要拿到车票。 当你16岁时,你的父母告诉你在午夜或午夜之前回家时,宵禁的到来再次表明了权力的使用,在这种情况下,家长的权力。如果中学生把午餐给威胁她的人,那又是一个使用权力的例子,或者在这种情况下是滥用权力的例子。

    One of the founders of sociology, distinguished legitimate authority as a special type of power.   (sometimes just called  authority ), Weber said, is power whose use is considered just and appropriate by those over whom the power is exercised. In short, if a society approves of the exercise of power in a particular way, then that power is also legitimate authority. The example of the police car in our rearview mirrors is an example of legitimate authority. 
    ::韦伯(Weber)说,社会学的创始人之一,即作为特殊权力类型的杰出合法权威(有时只是所谓的权威 ) 。 威伯(Weber)说,权力的行使者认为权力的使用是公正和适当的。 简言之,如果社会同意以某种特定方式行使权力,那么该权力也是合法的权威。 我们后视镜中的警车就是合法权威的一个例子。

      

    Not all authority figures are police officers or elected officials or government authorities. Besides formal offices, authority can arise from tradition and personal qualities. Economist and sociologist Max Weber realized this when he examined individual action as it relates to authority, as well as large-scale structures of authority and how they relate to a society’s economy. Based on this work, Weber developed a classification system for authority. His three types of authority are traditional authority, charismatic authority and legal-rational authority (Weber 1922).
    ::并非所有权威人物都是警官或选举产生的官员或政府当局,除了正式的办公室外,权威还可能来自传统和个人品质。 经济学家和社会学家Max Weber在审查与权威有关的个人行动时意识到这一点,因为与权威有关的是个人行动,以及大规模的权力结构及其与社会经济的关系。 Weber在这项工作的基础上制定了权力分类制度。他的三种权力类型是传统权威、有魅力的权威和法律理性的权威(Weber 1922)。

    Weber’s keen insight lay in distinguishing different types of legitimate authority that characterize different types of societies, especially as they evolve from simple to more complex societies. He called these three types traditional authority, rational-legal authority, and charismatic authority. 
    ::韦伯的敏锐洞察力在于区分不同类型社会所特有的不同类型的合法权威,特别是当它们从简单社会演变为更复杂的社会时。 他称这三类传统权威、理性法律权威和魅力权威为“理性法律权威 ” 。

    Traditional Charismatic Legal-Rational
    Legitimized by long-standing custom Based on a leader’s personal qualities Authority resides in the office, not the person
    Historic personality Dynamic personality Bureaucratic officials
    Patriarchy (traditional positions of authority) Napoleon, Jesus Christ, Mother Teresa, Martin Luther King, Jr. U.S. presidency and CongressModern British Parliament

    Weber’s Three Types of Authority  Max Weber identified and explained three distinct types of authority
    ::Weber的三种权力当局类型 Max Weber 确定并解释了三种不同的权力类型

    Traditional Authority
    ::传统权力机关

    As the name implies,   is power that is rooted in traditional, or long-standing, beliefs and practices of a society. It exists and is assigned to particular individuals because of that society’s customs and traditions. Individuals enjoy traditional authority for at least one of two reasons. The first is inheritance, as certain individuals are granted traditional authority because they are the children or other relatives of people who already exercise traditional authority. The second reason individuals enjoy traditional authority is more religious: their societies believe they are anointed by God or the gods, depending on the society’s religious beliefs, to lead their society. Traditional authority is common in many preindustrial societies, where tradition and custom are so important, but also in more modern monarchies (discussed shortly), where a king, queen, or prince enjoys power because she or he comes from a royal family.
    ::正如这个名称所暗示的那样,权力是植根于社会的传统或长期的信仰和习俗,它存在,并且由于社会的习俗和传统而分配给特定个人,个人享有传统权力,至少出于两个原因之一;第一是继承,因为某些个人由于是已经行使传统权力的人的子女或其他亲属而获得传统权力;第二是个人享有传统权力的宗教性更强:他们的社会认为他们受上帝或神的尊崇,取决于社会的宗教信仰,领导他们的社会。 传统权力在许多工业前社会是常见的,传统和习俗非常重要,但在较现代的君主制(不久即受到讨论)中也是如此,国王、女王或王子因来自皇室而掌权。

    Traditional authority is granted to individuals regardless of their qualifications. They do not have to possess any special skills to receive and wield their authority, as their claim to it is based solely on their bloodline or supposed divine designation. An individual granted traditional authority can be intelligent or stupid, fair or arbitrary, and exciting or boring but receives the authority just the same because of custom and tradition. As not all individuals granted traditional authority are particularly well qualified to use it, societies governed by traditional authority sometimes find that individuals bestowed it are not always up to the job.
    ::传统权力赋予个人,而不论其资格如何,他们不必拥有接受和行使权力的任何特殊技能,因为他们对权力的主张完全基于其血统或所谓的神称,被授予传统权力的个人可以是聪明的、愚蠢的、公正的或任意的、令人兴奋的或无趣的,但是由于习俗和传统而得到的权力也是一样的,由于并非所有被授予传统权力的个人都特别有资格使用这种权力,由传统权威管理的社会有时发现赋予这种权力的个人并不总是能胜任工作。


    Rational-Legal Authority
    ::合理法律权力机关

    If traditional authority derives from custom and tradition,   derives from law and is based on a belief in the legitimacy of a society’s laws and rules and in the right of leaders to act under these rules to make decisions and set policy. This form of authority is a hallmark of modern democracies, where power is given to people elected by voters, and the rules for wielding that power are usually set forth in a constitution, a charter, or another written document. Whereas traditional authority resides in an individual because of inheritance or divine designation, rational-legal authority resides in the office that an individual fills, not in the individual per se. The authority of the president of the United States thus resides in the office of the presidency, not in the individual who happens to be president. When that individual leaves office, authority transfers to the next president. This transfer is usually smooth and stable, and one of the marvels of democracy is that officeholders are replaced in elections without revolutions having to be necessary. We might not have voted for the person who wins the presidency, but we accept that person’s authority as our president when he (so far it has always been a “he”) assumes office.
    ::如果传统权力来自习俗和传统,来自法律,并且基于对社会法律和规则合法性的信念以及领导人根据这些规则行事以作出决定和制定政策的权利。这种权力形式是现代民主的标志,选民选举的人在这种民主中拥有权力,而行使权力的规则通常由宪法、宪章或另一份书面文件规定。传统权力属于个人,因为继承或神圣的称号,而理性的法律权力则属于个人填补的职位,而不是个人本身。因此,美国总统的权力属于总统职位,而不是碰巧是总统的个人。当个人离职时,权力转移给下一任总统。这种移交通常是平稳和稳定的,而民主的奇迹之一是,在选举过程中更换官员而不必进行革命。 我们也许不会投票给赢得总统职位的人,但当他(一直是一个“他”)担任总统时,我们接受他作为总统的权力。

    Rational-legal authority helps ensure an orderly transfer of power in a time of crisis. When John F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963, Vice President Lyndon Johnson was immediately sworn in as the next president. When Richard Nixon resigned his office in disgrace in 1974 because of his involvement in the Watergate scandal, Vice President Gerald Ford (who himself had become vice president after Spiro Agnew resigned because of financial corruption) became president. Because the U.S. Constitution provided for the transfer of power when the presidency was vacant, and because U.S. leaders and members of the public accept the authority of the Constitution on these and so many other matters, the transfer of power in 1963 and 1974 was smooth and orderly.
    ::理性的法律权威有助于确保在危机时期有秩序地移交权力。 当约翰·肯尼迪1963年被暗杀时,副总统林登·约翰逊立即宣誓就任下一任总统。 当理查德·尼克松1974年因参与水门丑闻而以耻辱辞去职务时,副总统福特(他本人在斯皮罗·阿格纽因金融腐败而辞职后成为副总统 ) , 成为总统。 因为美国宪法规定在总统职位空缺时可以移交权力,而且因为美国领导人和公众成员接受宪法在这些以及其他许多问题上的权威,1963年和1974年的权力转移是顺利有序的。


    Charismatic Authority
    ::机 机 机 体 权 权

     stems from an individual’s extraordinary personal qualities and from that individual’s hold over followers because of these qualities.  Charismatic leaders will often hold power for short period of time.  According to Weber, they are just as likely to be tyrannical as they are heroic. Such charismatic individuals may exercise authority over a whole society or only a specific group within a larger society. They can exercise authority for good and for bad, as this brief list of charismatic leaders indicates:  Napoleon,  Adolf Hitler, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X,  Cesar Chavez, Jesus Christ, Muhammad, and Buddha.   Each of these individuals had extraordinary personal qualities that led their followers to admire them and to follow their orders or requests for action.   Since so few women have held positions of  leadership throughout history, the number of charismatic female women is small.   Many historians would consider Joan of Arc, Jane Addams, Susan B.  Anthony, Margret Thatcher, and Mother Teresa to be charismatic leaders. 
    ::发自个人非凡的个人品质,以及个人由于这些品质而控制着追随者。 魅力领袖往往在短短的时间内掌权。 据韦伯说,他们与英雄一样可能具有专制性。 这些魅力人物可以对整个社会行使权力,或者只对一个更大的社会中的特定群体行使权力。 他们可以不分好坏地行使权力,正如这一简短的魅力领袖名单所示:拿破仑、阿道夫·希特勒、圣雄甘地、马丁·路德金、马尔科姆·X、塞萨尔·查韦斯、耶稣基督、穆罕默德和佛祖。 这些人都有非凡的个人品质,引导其追随者崇拜他们,并遵从她们的命令或行动要求。 由于历史上很少有妇女担任领导职务,因此有魅力的女性人数很少。 许多历史学家会认为琼·阿尔茨、简·阿达姆斯、苏珊·安东尼、玛格丽特·撒切尔和特里萨修女是具有魅力的领导人。

    Charismatic authority can reside in a person who came to a position of leadership because of traditional or rational-legal authority. Over the centuries, several kings and queens of England and other European nations were charismatic individuals as well (while some were far from charismatic). A few U.S. presidents—Washington, Lincoln, both Roosevelts, Kennedy, Reagan, and, for all his faults, even Clinton—also were charismatic, and much of their popularity stemmed from various personal qualities that attracted the public and sometimes even the press. Ronald Reagan, for example, was often called “the Teflon president,” because he was so loved by much of the public that accusations of ineptitude or malfeasance did not stick to him (Lanoue, 1988). Lanoue, D. J. (1988). From Camelot to the teflon president: Economics and presidential popularaity since 1960. New York, NY: Greenwood Press.
    ::几世纪以来,英格兰和其他欧洲国家的几位国王和女王也都是魅力十足的个人(有些则远非魅力十足 ) 。 少数美国总统华盛顿、林肯、罗斯福、肯尼迪、里根(Leannows)、肯尼迪、里根(Reagan)等美国总统,由于他的所有过错,甚至连克林顿(Clinton)也都是魅力十足的,他们的受欢迎程度也来自吸引公众、有时甚至是新闻界的各种个人品质。 比如,罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)经常被称为“特弗朗总统 ” , 因为他受到许多公众的爱心,他被指控的无能或渎职并非他所爱(Lanoue,1988年)。洛努(Lanoue,D.J.(1988年),从卡米洛特到特弗隆(Teflon)总统:1960年以来的经济和总统民众。纽约:格林伍德出版社。


    Much of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s appeal as a civil rights leader stemmed from his extraordinary speaking skills and other personal qualities that accounted for his charismatic authority.
    ::Jr. Martin Luther King博士作为民权领袖提出的呼吁, 大部分来自他非凡的演讲技巧及其他个人品质,

    Source: Photo courtesy of U.S. Library of Congress, .
    ::资料来源:美国国会图书馆提供。


    Weber emphasized that charismatic authority in its pure form (i.e., when authority resides in someone solely because of the person’s charisma and not because the person also has traditional or rational-legal authority) is less stable than traditional authority or rational-legal authority. The reason for this is simple: once charismatic leaders die, their authority dies as well. Although a charismatic leader’s example may continue to inspire people long after the leader dies, it is difficult for another leader to come along and command people’s devotion as intensely. After the deaths of all the charismatic leaders named in the preceding paragraph, no one came close to replacing them in the hearts and minds of their followers.
    ::Weber强调,纯粹形式的具有魅力的权威(即,仅仅因为某人的魅力而存在权威,而不是因为此人也拥有传统或理性的法律权威)不如传统权威或理性法律权威那么稳定,原因很简单:一旦具有魅力的领导人死亡,他们的权威也随之消亡。 尽管一个具有魅力的领导人的榜样可能在领导人去世后很长时间里继续激励人们,但另一个领导人很难站出来,指挥人们如此强烈的奉献。 在上一段中点名的所有具有魅力的领导人去世后,没有人能够在其追随者的心中和思想中取代他们。

    Because charismatic leaders recognize that their eventual death may well undermine the nation or cause they represent, they often designate a replacement leader, who they hope will also have charismatic qualities. This new leader may be a grown child of the charismatic leader or someone else the leader knows and trusts. The danger, of course, is that any new leaders will lack sufficient charisma to have their authority accepted by the followers of the original charismatic leader. For this reason, Weber recognized that charismatic authority ultimately becomes more stable when it is evolves into traditional or rational-legal authority. Transformation into traditional authority can happen when charismatic leaders’ authority becomes accepted as residing in their bloodlines, so that their authority passes to their children and then to their grandchildren. Transformation into rational-legal authority occurs when a society ruled by a charismatic leader develops the rules and bureaucratic structures that we associate with a government. Weber used the term   to refer to the transformation of charismatic authority in either of these ways.
    ::因为有魅力的领导人认识到,他们最终的死亡很可能损害国家,或者他们所代表的事业,因此他们往往会指定替代领导人,希望他也能有魅力。 这个新领导人可能是具有魅力的领导人的成年子女,或者领导人所认识和信任的其他人。 当然,危险在于任何新领导人将缺乏足够的魅力,使其权威为原始有魅力的领导人的追随者所接受。 因此,Weber认识到,有魅力的权威在演变成传统或理性的法律权威时最终会变得更为稳定。 当有魅力的领导人的权威被接受为其血脉所占据时,就会变成传统权威,这样他们的权威就会传给他们的子女,然后传给他们的孙子。 当一个由有魅力的领导人统治的社会发展我们与政府有联系的规则和官僚结构时,就会变成理性的法律权威。 Weber利用这个术语来称呼具有魅力的权威的转变,无论是哪种方式。

     

    TYPES OF GOVERNMENT
    ::政府政府类型

    Various states and governments obviously exist around the world. In this context,   means the political unit within which power and authority reside. This unit can be a whole nation or a subdivision within a nation. Thus the nations of the world are sometimes referred to as states (or nation-states), as are subdivisions within a nation, such as California, New York, and Texas in the United States.  means the group of persons who direct the political affairs of a state, but it can also mean the type of rule by which a state is run. Another term for this second meaning of government is , which we will use here along with  government . The type of government under which people live has fundamental implications for their freedom, their welfare, and even their lives. Accordingly we briefly review the major political systems in the world today.
    ::世界各地显然存在不同的州和政府。在这方面,这意味着权力和权威所处政治单位。这个单位可以是整个国家,也可以是一个国家内部的分区。因此,世界各民族有时被称为国家(或民族国家),就像一个国家内部的分区,如加利福尼亚州、纽约州和美国得克萨斯州。这意味着领导一个国家政治事务的人群,但也意味着国家运行所遵循的规则类型。政府第二个意义的另一个词就是政府,我们将与政府一起在这里使用。人们赖以生存的政府类型对他们的自由、福利甚至生活有着根本的影响。因此,我们简要回顾当今世界的主要政治制度。


    A mosaic of Saddam Hussein and other tile decorations are shown on a wall.

    Former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein used fear and intimidation to keep citizens in check. (Photo courtesy of Brian Hillegas/flickr)
    ::前伊拉克独裁者萨达姆·侯赛因利用恐惧和恐吓来控制公民。 (照片由Brian Hillegas/flickr提供)

    Most people generally agree that  anarchy , or the absence of organized government, does not facilitate a desirable living environment for society, but it is much harder for individuals to agree upon the particulars of how a population should be governed. Throughout history, various forms of government have evolved to suit the needs of changing populations and mindsets, each with pros and cons. Today, members of Western society hold that democracy is the most just and stable form of government, although former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill once declared to the House of Commons, “Indeed it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time” (Shapiro 2006)
    ::多数人普遍认为,无政府状态或缺乏有组织的政府,无助于为社会创造理想的生活环境,但个人更难商定如何管理一个人口的具体细节。 在整个历史中,各种形式的政府已经演变,以适应不断变化的人口和心态的需要,每个形式都有利弊。 今天,西方社会成员认为民主是最公正和稳定的政府形式,尽管英国前首相丘吉尔曾向下议院宣布,“事实上,民主是最恶劣的政府形式,除了不时尝试的所有其他形式之外”(Shapiro,2006年)。

      


    Democracy
    ::民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主民主

    The type of government with which we are most familiar is  , or a political system in which citizens govern themselves either directly or indirectly. The term  democracy  comes from Greek and means “rule of the people.” In Lincoln’s stirring words from the Gettysburg Address, democracy is “government of the people, by the people, for the people.” In  direct  (or  pure democracies , people make their own decisions about the policies and distribution of resources that affect them directly. An example of such a democracy in action is the New England town meeting, where the residents of a town meet once a year and vote on budgetary and other matters. However, such direct democracies are impractical when the number of people gets beyond a few hundred.  Representative democracies  are thus much more common. In these types of democracies, people elect officials to represent them in legislative votes on matters affecting the population.
    ::我们最熟悉的政府类型是,或是公民直接或间接管理自己的政治制度。 民主一词来自希腊,意思是“人民的统治 ” 。 林肯在葛底斯堡演讲中煽动人心的话中说,民主是“人民、人民、人民、人民、人民的政府 ” 。 在直接的(或纯的)民主国家中,人民自行决定直接影响到他们的政策和资源分配。 这种民主行动的一个实例就是新英格兰镇会议。 在那里,一个城镇的居民每年开会一次,就预算和其他事务进行表决。 然而,当人数超过几百人时,这种直接民主是不切实际的。 因此,在这种民主国家中,代表民主更常见。 在这些民主国家中,人们选举官员代表他们就影响人民的事项进行立法投票。

    Representative democracy is more practical than direct democracy in a society of any significant size, but political scientists cite another advantage of representative democracy. At least in theory, it ensures that the individuals who govern a society and in other ways help a society function are the individuals who have the appropriate talents, skills, and knowledge to do so. In this way of thinking, the masses of people are, overall, too uninformed, too uneducated, and too uninterested to run a society themselves. Representative democracy thus allows for “the cream to rise to the top” so that the people who actually govern a society are the most qualified to perform this essential task (Seward, 2010). Seward, M. (2010).  The representative claim . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.  Although this argument has much merit, it is also true that many of the individuals who do get elected to office turn out to be ineffective and/or corrupt. Regardless of our political orientations, Americans can think of many politicians to whom these labels apply, from presidents down to local officials.  In relation to political lobbying, elected officials may also be unduly influenced by campaign contributions from corporations and other special-interest groups. To the extent this influence occurs, representative democracy falls short of the ideals proclaimed by political theorists.
    ::代表民主比任何重要规模的社会中直接民主更切合实际,但政治科学家举出代议民主的另一个优势。至少在理论上,它确保管理一个社会和以其他方式帮助社会功能的个人是拥有适当人才、技能和知识的人。在这种思维方式中,人民群众总体而言过于无知,教育程度过低,对管理社会本身也太不感兴趣。代议民主因此允许“向上爬上顶端的奶油 ” , 使实际管理一个社会的人最有资格履行这一基本任务(Seward,2010年)。Seward,M.(2010)。 代言人称:纽约:牛津大学出版社。虽然这一论点很有价值,但事实上,许多当选公职的人最终变得无效和/或腐败。不管我们的政治取向如何,美国人可以想到许多被贴上这些标签的政客,从总统到地方官员。在政治游说方面,当选的官员也可能受到企业和其他特殊利益政治团体的竞选贡献的不适当影响。

    The defining feature of representative democracy is voting in elections. When the United States was established more than 230 years ago, most of the world’s governments were monarchies or other authoritarian regimes. Like the colonists, people in these nations chafed under arbitrary power. The example of the American Revolution and the stirring words of its Declaration of Independence helped inspire the French Revolution of 1789 and other revolutions since, as people around the world have died in order to win the right to vote and to have political freedom.
    ::代议制民主的决定性特征是在选举中投票。 230多年前,当美国成立时,世界大多数政府都是君主制或其他独裁政权。 像殖民者一样,这些国家的人民在专制权力下受苦受难。 美国革命的范例及其独立宣言中的煽动性言论有助于激励1789年法国革命和其他革命,因为全世界人民为了赢得投票权和政治自由而死亡。

    Democracies are certainly not perfect. Their decision-making process can be quite slow and inefficient; as just mentioned, decisions may be made for special interests and not “for the people”; and, as we have seen in earlier chapters, pervasive inequalities of social class, race and ethnicity, gender, and age can exist. Moreover, in not all democracies have all people enjoyed the right to vote. In the United States, for example, African Americans could not vote until after the Civil War, with the passage of the 15th Amendment in 1870, and women did not win the right to vote until 1920, with the passage of the 19th Amendment.
    ::民主政体肯定不是十全十美的。 它们的决策过程可能相当缓慢,效率低下;正如刚才提到的,决策可能是为了特殊利益,而不是“人民”;正如我们在前几章中看到的那样,社会阶级、种族和族裔、性别和年龄方面的普遍不平等可能存在。 此外,并非所有民主国家都享有全民投票权。 比如,在美国,非裔美国人直到内战之后才能投票,1870年第15项修正案获得通过,妇女直到1920年才赢得投票权,第19项修正案获得通过。

    l  

    ::升


    Although the United States champions the democratic ideology, it is not a “pure” democracy. In a purely democratic society, all citizens would vote on all proposed legislation, and this is not how laws are passed in the United States. There is a practical reason for this: a pure democracy would be hard to implement. Thus, the United States is a constitution-based federal republic in which citizens elect representatives to make policy decisions on their behalf. The term  representative democracy , which is virtually synonymous with  republic , can also be used to describe a government in which citizens elect representatives to promote policies that favor their interests. In the United States, representatives are elected at local and state levels, and the votes of the Electoral College determine who will hold the office of president. Each of the three branches of the United States government—the executive, judicial, and legislative—is held in check by the other branches. 
    ::虽然美国支持民主意识形态,但它不是一个“纯粹”的民主。在一个纯粹的民主社会中,所有公民都会投票决定所有拟议的立法,这也不是美国通过法律的方式。这有其实际原因:一个纯粹的民主将难以实施。因此,美国是一个以宪法为基础的联邦共和国,公民在其中选举代表,代表他们作出政策决定。代议制民主一词实际上与共和国同义,也可以用来描述一个政府,即公民选举代表,以促进有利于他们利益的政策。 在美国,代表由地方和州一级选举产生,选举团投票决定由谁担任总统职位。 美国政府的三个分支,即行政、司法和立法部门,都受到其他部门的制约。

    In addition to generally enjoying the right to vote, people in democracies also have more freedom than those in other types of governments.   depicts the nations of the world according to the extent of their political rights and civil liberties. The freest nations are found in North America, Western Europe, and certain other parts of the world, while the least free lie in Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.
    ::除了普遍享有投票权之外,民主国家的人民也比其他类型的政府拥有更多的自由。 描述世界各国的政治权利和公民自由程度。 最自由的国家在北美、西欧和世界某些其他地区,而最自由的国家在亚洲、中东和非洲。


    Figure  Freedom Around the World (Based on Extent of Political Rights and Civil Liberties)
    ::图 世界各地自由(基于政治权利和公民自由的程度)

    Source: Adapted from Freedom House. (2010). Map of freedom in the world. Retrieved from .
    ::资料来源:改编自《自由之家》(2010年),《世界自由地图》,取自《自由之家》(2010年)。

      


    Monarchy
    ::君主制

     is a political system in which power resides in a single family that rules from one generation to the next generation. The power the family enjoys is  traditional authority , and many monarchs command respect because their subjects bestow this type of authority on them. Other monarchs, however, have ensured respect through arbitrary power and even terror. Royal families still rule today, but their power has declined from centuries ago. Today the Queen of England holds a largely ceremonial position, but her predecessors on the throne wielded much more power.

    Even though people in the United States tend to be most aware of Great Britain’s royals, many other nations also recognize kings, queens, princes, princesses, and other figures with official royal titles. From one country to another, the power held by these positions varies. Strictly speaking, a  monarchy  is a government in which a single person (a monarch) rules until that individual dies or abdicates the throne. Usually, a monarch claims the rights to title by way of hereditary succession or as a result of some sort of divine appointment or calling. As mentioned previously, the monarchies of most modern nations are ceremonial remnants of tradition, and individuals who hold titles in such sovereignties are often aristocratic figureheads.


    This example reflects a historical change in types of monarchies from absolute monarchies to constitutional monarchies (Finer, 1997). Finer, S. E. (1997).  The history of government from the earliest times . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.  In  absolute monarchies , the royal family claims a divine right to rule and exercises considerable power over their kingdom. Absolute monarchies were common in both ancient (e.g., Egypt) and medieval (e.g., England and China) times. In reality, the power of many absolute monarchs was not totally absolute, as kings and queens had to keep in mind the needs and desires of other powerful parties, including the clergy and nobility. Over time, absolute monarchies gave way to  constitutional monarchies . In these monarchies, the royal family serves a symbolic and ceremonial role and enjoys little, if any, real power. Instead the executive and legislative branches of government—the prime minister and parliament in several nations—run the government, even if the royal family continues to command admiration and respect. Constitutional monarchies exist today in several nations, including Denmark, Great Britain, Norway, Spain, and Sweden.
     

      

    In today’s global political climate, monarchies far more often take the form of  constitutional monarchies , governments of nations that recognize monarchs but require these figures to abide by the laws of a greater constitution. Many countries that are now constitutional monarchies evolved from governments that were once considered absolute monarchies. In most cases, constitutional monarchies, such as Great Britain and Canada, feature elected prime ministers whose leadership role is far more involved and significant than that of its titled monarchs. In spite of their limited authority, monarchs endure in such governments because people enjoy their ceremonial significance and the pageantry of their rites.    

    3  

    Oligarchy
    ::议会委员会

    The power in an  oligarchy  is held by a small, elite group. Unlike in a monarchy, members of an oligarchy do not necessarily achieve their status based on ties to noble ancestry. Rather, they may ascend to positions of power because of military might, economic power, or similar circumstances.
    ::寡头统治下的权力由一小撮精英集团掌握。 与君主制不同,寡头统治下的成员不一定基于与贵族祖先的联系而获得地位。 相反,他们可能因为军事实力、经济实力或类似情况而升至权力地位。

    The concept of oligarchy is somewhat elusive; rarely does a society openly define itself as an oligarchy. Generally, the word carries negative connotations and conjures notions of a corrupt group whose members make unfair policy decisions in order to maintain their privileged positions. Many modern nations that claim to be democracies are really oligarchies. In fact, some prominent journalists have labeled the United States an oligarchy, pointing to the influence of large corporations and Wall Street executives on American policy (Krugman 2011). Other political analysts assert that all democracies are really just “elected oligarchies,” or systems in which citizens must vote for an individual who is part of a pool of candidates who come from the society’s elite ruling class (Winters 2011).
    ::寡头统治的概念有点难以捉摸;社会很少公开把自己定义为寡头统治。 一般来说,这个词含有腐败集团的负面内涵和骗局概念,因为其成员为了保持特权地位而做出不公平的政策决定。 许多自称是民主国家的现代国家实际上是寡头统治者。 事实上,一些知名记者将美国称为寡头统治者,指出大公司和华尔街行政主管对美国政策的影响(2011年,克鲁曼 ) 。 其他政治分析家认为,所有民主国家都是真正的“经选举产生的寡头统治者 ” , 或公民必须投票支持来自社会精英统治阶层(Winters 2011 ) 的一批候选人的个人的体系。

    Oligarchies have existed throughout history, and today many consider Russia an example of oligarchic political structure. After the fall of communism, groups of business owners captured control of this nation’s natural resources and have used the opportunity to expand their wealth and political influence. Once an oligarchic power structure is established, it can be very difficult for middle- and lower-class citizens to advance their socioeconomic status.
    ::奥利加奇斯在历史上一直存在,如今许多人认为俄罗斯是寡头政治结构的典范。 共产主义垮台后,企业所有者集团控制了俄罗斯的自然资源,并利用这一机会扩大了他们的财富和政治影响力。 一旦寡头权力结构建立起来,中产阶级和下层阶级公民可能很难提高其社会经济地位。


    Authoritarianism Systems of Government
    ::政府制度

    Authoritarianism and totalitarianism are general terms for nondemocratic political systems ruled by an individual or a group of individuals who are not freely elected by their populations and who often exercise arbitrary power. To be more specific,   refers to political systems in which an individual or a group of individuals holds power, restricts or prohibits popular participation in governance, and represses dissent.   refers to political systems that include all the features of authoritarianism but are even more repressive as they try to regulate and control all aspects of citizens’ lives and fortunes. People can be imprisoned for deviating from acceptable practices or may even be killed if they dissent in the mildest of ways. The purple nations in   are mostly totalitarian regimes, and the orange ones are authoritarian regimes.
    ::专制主义和极权主义是非民主政治制度的一般术语,由个人或一群非民主政治制度管理,这些人不是由民众自由选举出来的,往往行使专制权力。 更具体地说,是指个人或一群个人掌权、限制或禁止民众参与治理的政治制度,以及压制不同意见的政治制度。 指包括独裁主义所有特征的政治制度,但在试图管理和控制公民生活和财富的各个方面时,这种制度甚至更具压迫性。 人们可能因为偏离可接受的做法而被监禁,或者如果以最温和的方式表示异议,甚至可能被杀害。 紫色国家大多是极权政权,橙色国家则是独裁政权。

      


    Dictatorship
    ::独裁专制

    Power in a  dictatorship  is held by a single person (or a very small group) that wields complete and absolute authority over a government or populace after the dictator rises to power, usually through economic or military might. Similar to many absolute monarchies, dictatorships may often be corrupt and seek to limit and even eradicate the liberties of the general population. Many dictators start out as military leaders and are more conditioned to violence if they face opposition than non-military figureheads.
    ::独裁政权的统治者只有一个人(或非常小的集团 ) , 通常通过经济或军事实力,在独裁者上台后对政府或民众拥有完全和绝对的权力。 与许多绝对君主一样,独裁者往往腐败,试图限制甚至消除普通民众的自由。 许多独裁者一开始是军事领导人,在面对反对时比非军事人物更容易受到暴力的制约。

    Dictators use a variety of means to perpetuate their authority. Intimidation and brutality are often foremost among their tactics; individuals are not likely to rebel against a regime if they know they will be hurt. Some dictators also possess the personal appeal that Max Weber identified with a charismatic leader. Subjects of such a dictator may believe that the leader has special ability or authority and may be willing to submit to his or her authority. Popular images of the late Kim Jong-Il, as well as his successor, Kim Jong-Un, exemplify this type of charismatic dictatorship.
    ::独裁者利用各种手段维持他们的权威,恐吓和残暴往往是他们的首要策略;个人如果知道自己会受到伤害,就不会反抗政权;一些独裁者还拥有麦克斯·韦伯(Max Weber)与有魅力的领导人所认同的个人呼吁;这样的独裁者可能认为领导人有特殊的能力或权威,可能愿意服从其权威;已故金正日及其继任者金正恩(Kim Jong-Un)的广受欢迎的形象就是这种有魅力的独裁的例证。

    Many dictatorships do not align themselves strictly with any particular belief system or ideology; the goal of this type of regime is usually limited to preserving the authority of the dictator at its helm. The  totalitarian dictatorship  describes a more ambitious and oppressive style of dictatorship that attempts to control all aspects of its subjects’ lives. Communist regimes, for instance, are often totalitarian in nature. They may attempt to regulate how many children citizens bear, what religious beliefs they hold, and so forth. They may also demand that citizens publicly demonstrate their faith in the regime by participating in public marches and demonstrations.
    ::许多独裁政权并不严格地与任何特定的信仰体系或意识形态一致;这类政权的目标通常仅限于维护独裁者掌权的权威。 极权独裁政权描述的是一种更加雄心勃勃和压迫性的独裁主义,试图控制其臣民生活的各个方面。 比如,共产主义政权往往具有极权性质。 它们可能试图监管多少儿童公民,他们持有什么样的宗教信仰等等。 它们也可能要求公民通过参加公开游行和示威公开表明他们对政权的信仰。

    Some “benevolent” dictators, such as Napoleon and Anwar Sadat, are credited with advancing their people or exercising a modest level of evenhandedness, but many end up grossly abusing their power. Joseph Stalin, Adolf Hitler, Kim Jong-Il, Saddam Hussein, and Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, for instance, are heads of state who earned a reputation for leading through fear and intimidation. Hitler, for example, is responsible for the genocide of millions of Jews and other groups, while Mugabe has been accused of ruthless land acquisition.
    ::某些“慈善”独裁者,如拿破仑和安瓦尔·萨达特(Anwar Sadat ) , 被誉为推进其人民或行使适度的公正,但许多人最终严重滥用了权力。 比如,约瑟夫·斯大林、阿道夫·希特勒、金正日、萨达姆·侯赛因和津巴布韦的罗伯特·穆加贝(Robert Mugargabe)就是那些通过恐惧和恐吓赢得了领导权的国家元首。 比如,希特勒对数百万犹太人和其他团体的种族灭绝负有责任,而穆加贝则被指控无情地获取土地。


    Kim Jong-Il of North Korea is shown wearing sunglasses amid a group of uniformed North Korean soldiers.

    Dictator Kim Jong-Il of North Korea was a charismatic leader of an absolute dictatorship. His followers responded emotionally to the death of their leader in 2011. (Photo courtesy of babeltrave/flickr)

    ::北朝鲜的代言人金正日是绝对独裁政权的有魅力的领导人。 他的追随者对2011年其领导人的逝世作出了情感上的反应。 (Photo是巴亚尔特拉夫/弗利克尔的礼节)

      


    Absolute Monarchy
    ::绝对君主制

    A few nations today, however, are run by governments wherein a monarch has absolute or unmitigated power. Such nations are called  absolute monarchies . Although governments and regimes are constantly changing across the global landscape, it is generally safe to say that most modern absolute monarchies are concentrated in the Middle East and Africa. The small, oil-rich nation of Oman, for instance, is an example of an absolute monarchy. In this nation, Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Said has ruled since the 1970's. Recently, living conditions and opportunities for Oman’s citizens have improved, but many citizens who live under the reign of an absolute ruler must contend with oppressive or unfair policies that are installed based on the unchecked whims or political agendas of that leader.
      


        


    Compared to democracies and monarchies, authoritarian and totalitarian governments are more unstable politically. The major reason for this is that these governments enjoy no legitimate authority. Instead their power rests on fear and repression. The populations of these governments do not willingly lend their obedience to their leaders and realize that their leaders are treating them very poorly; for both these reasons, they are more likely than populations in democratic states to want to rebel. Sometimes they do rebel, and if the rebellion becomes sufficiently massive and widespread, a revolution occurs. In contrast, populations in democratic states usually perceive that they are treated more or less fairly and, further, that they can change things they do not like through the electoral process. Seeing no need for revolution, they do not revolt.

    Since World War II, which helped make the United States an international power, the United States has opposed some authoritarian and totalitarian regimes while supporting others. The Cold War pitted the United States and its allies against Communist nations, primarily the Soviet Union, China, Cuba, and North Korea. But at the same time the United States opposed these authoritarian governments, it supported many others, including those in Chile, Guatemala, and South Vietnam, that repressed and even murdered their own citizens who dared to engage in the kind of dissent constitutionally protected in the United States (Sullivan, 2008). Sullivan, M. (2008).  American adventurism abroad: Invasions, interventions, and regime changes since World War II  (Rev. and expanded ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell.  

    Earlier in U.S. history, the federal and state governments repressed dissent by passing legislation that prohibited criticism of World War I and then by imprisoning citizens who criticized that war (Goldstein, 2001). Goldstein, R. J. (2001).  Political repression in modern America from 1870 to 1976  (Rev. ed.). Urbana: University of Illinois Press.  During the 1960s and 1970s, the FBI, the CIA, and other federal agencies spied on tens of thousands of citizens who engaged in dissent protected by the First Amendment (Cunningham, 2004). Cunningham, D. (2004).  There’s something happening here: The new left, the Klan, and FBI counterintelligence . Berkeley: University of California Press.  While the United States remains a beacon of freedom and hope to much of the world’s peoples, its own support for repression in the recent and more distant past suggests that eternal vigilance is needed to ensure that “liberty and justice for all” is not just an empty slogan.
         




    The Political System in the United States
    ::美国的政治制度

    In describing a nation’s politics, it’s important to define the term. Some associate “politics” with power, others with freedom. Some with corruption, others with rhetoric. How do sociologists understand politics? To sociologists,  politics  is a means of studying a nation or group’s underlying social norms and values. A group’s political structure and practices provide insight into its distribution of power and wealth, as well as its larger philosophical and cultural beliefs. A cursory sociological analysis of U.S. politics might, for instance, suggest that Americans’ desire to promote equality and democracy on a theoretical level is at odds with the nation’s real-life capitalist orientation.
    ::在描述一个国家的政治时,必须定义这个术语。 一些人把“政治”与权力联系在一起,另一些人把自由联系起来。一些人把“政治”与权力联系在一起,有些人把“政治”与权力联系起来,另一些人把“自由”与权力联系起来。有些人把腐败联系起来,另一些人则用夸夸其谈。 社会学家如何理解政治?对于社会学家来说,政治是研究一个国家或一个群体的基本社会规范和价值观的一种手段。 一个团体的政治结构和做法让人们深入了解其权力和财富的分配,以及更大的哲学和文化信仰。 比如,对美国政治的粗略社会学分析可能表明,美国人在理论层面上促进平等和民主的愿望与美国的真实资本主义取向不相符。

    The famous phrase “by the people, for the people” is at the heart of American politics and sums up the most essential part of this nation’s political system: the notion that citizens willingly and freely elect representatives they believe will look out for their interests. Although many Americans take for granted the right of citizens to hold free elections, it is a vital foundation of any democracy. However, at the time the U.S. government was formed, African Americans and women were denied voting privileges. History details the struggles that each of these minority groups undertook to secure rights that had been granted to their white male counterparts. Nevertheless, their history (and the earlier history of the struggle for American independence from British rule) has failed to inspire some Americans to show up at the polls or even to register to vote.
    ::著名的“人民,人民”一词是美国政治的核心,总结了美国政治体系中最重要的部分:公民自愿和自由选举他们认为代表的观念将关注他们的利益。 虽然许多美国人认为公民有自由选举的权利是理所当然的,但它是任何民主的重要基础。 然而,在美国政府成立时,非裔美国人和妇女被剥夺了投票权。 历史详细描述了这些少数群体各自为争取赋予白人男性同僚的权利而进行的斗争。 尽管如此,他们的历史(以及美国独立摆脱英国统治的早期历史 ) 未能激励一些美国人在民意测验中露面甚至登记投票。

    Naturally, citizens must participate in the democratic process in order for their voices to be heard. Sociologists understand voting to be at the heart of the U.S. political process because it is a fundamental political behavior in a democracy. Problems with the democratic process, which include more than limited voter turnout, require us to more closely examine complex social issues.

    ::自然,公民必须参与民主进程,才能听到他们的声音。 社会学家认为投票是美国政治进程的核心,因为它是民主国家的基本政治行为。 民主进程的问题,包括投票人数有限,要求我们更仔细地研究复杂的社会问题。

     


    Political Ideology and Political Parties
    ::政治意识形态和政党

    Two central components of modern political systems are  (a) the views that people hold of social, economic, and political issues and (b) the political organizations that try to elect candidates to represent those views. We call these components  political ideology  and  political parties , respectively.
    ::现代政治制度的两个核心组成部分是伤心a) 人们持有社会、经济和政治问题的观点;(b) 试图选举代表这些观点的候选人的政治组织,我们分别称这些组成部分为政治意识形态和政党。


    Political Ideology
    ::政治意识形态

     is a complex concept that is often summarized by asking people whether they are liberal or conservative. For example, the GSS asks, “I’m going to show you a seven-point scale on which the political views that people might hold are arranged from extremely liberal to extremely conservative. Where would you place yourself on this scale?” For convenience’s sake, responses to this question in the 2008 GSS are grouped into three categories—liberal, moderate, and conservative—and displayed in  . We see that moderates slightly outnumber conservatives, who in turn outnumber liberals.
    ::一个复杂的概念,通常通过询问人们是自由派还是保守派来概括。 比如,安全总局问道 : “ 我将向大家展示一个七点的尺度,人们可能持有的政治观点是从极端自由派到极端保守派的。 你会把自己放在哪一级? ”为了方便起见,2008年安全总局对这一问题的回答分为三类 — — 自由派、温和派和保守派 — — 并显示在其中。 我们发现温和派人数略高于保守派,而保守派人数则高于自由派。 ”

     Political Ideology
    ::政治意识形态

    Source: Data from General Social Survey, 2008.
    ::资料来源:2008年社会普查数据。


    This is a common measure of political ideology, but social scientists often advise using a series of questions to measure political ideology, which consists of views on at least two sorts of issues, social and economic.  Social issues  concern attitudes on such things as abortion and other controversial behaviors and government spending on various social problems.  Economic issues , on the other hand, concern such things as taxes and the distribution of income and wealth. People can hold either liberal or conservative attitudes on both types of issues, but they can also hold mixed attitudes: liberal on social issues and conservative on economic ones, or conservative on social issues and liberal on economic ones. Educated, wealthy people, for example, may want lower taxes (generally considered a conservative view) but also may favor abortion rights and oppose the death penalty (both considered liberal positions). In contrast, less educated, working-class people may favor higher taxes for the rich (a liberal view, perhaps) but oppose abortion rights and favor the death penalty.
    ::这是一个共同的政治意识形态衡量标准,但社会科学家常常建议使用一系列问题来衡量政治意识形态,这些问题包括至少对两类问题,即社会和经济问题的看法。社会问题涉及对堕胎和其他有争议的行为的态度以及政府在各种社会问题上的支出。 另一方面,经济问题涉及税收和收入和财富分配等问题。 人们可以对这两类问题持有自由或保守的态度,但他们也可以持有混杂的态度:在社会问题上是自由的,在经济问题上是保守的,或者在社会问题上是保守的,在经济问题上是自由的。 比如,受过教育的富人可能希望降低税收(一般认为保守的观点 ) , 但也可能支持堕胎权,反对死刑(两者都被视为自由立场 ) 。 相反,教育程度低、工人阶级的人可能赞成对富人征收更高的税(或许是自由观点 ) , 但反对堕胎权和赞成死刑。

    We also see mixed political ideologies when we look at African Americans’ and whites’ views on social and economic issues. African Americans tend to be more conservative than whites on social issues but more liberal on economic concerns. This tendency is depicted in  , which shows responses to GSS questions on whether homosexual sex is wrong, a social issue, and on whether the government should reduce income differences between the rich and poor, an economic issue. African Americans are more likely than whites to take a conservative view on the social issue by thinking that homosexual sex is wrong but are more likely to take a liberal view on the economic issue by thinking that the government should reduce income inequality. 
    ::当我们审视非裔美国人和白人对社会和经济问题的看法时,我们也看到了混杂的政治意识形态。 非裔美国人在社会问题上往往比白人更保守,而在经济关注问题上则更自由。 这种趋势表现在 — — 这表明了对安全总局关于同性恋是否是错误的、社会问题和政府是否应该减少贫富收入差异的问题的回答。 非裔美国人比白人更有可能在社会问题上采取保守观点,认为同性恋是错的,但更有可能在经济问题上采取自由观点,认为政府应该减少收入不平等。


    Political Parties
    ::政党政党政党

    People’s political ideologies often lead them to align with a  , or an organization that supports particular political positions and tries to elect candidates to office to represent those positions. The two major political parties in the United States are, of course, the Democratic and Republican parties. However, in a national poll in October 2009, 44% of Americans called themselves Independents, compared to 30% who called themselves Democrats and only 17% who called themselves Republicans. The number of Americans who consider themselves Independents, then, almost equals the number who consider themselves either Democrats or Republicans (Rich, 2009). Rich, F. (2009, November 1). The G.O.P. Stalinists invade upstate New York.  The New York Times , p. WK8.
    ::美国两大政党当然都是民主党和共和党政党。 但是,在2009年10月的一次全国民意调查中,44%的美国人自称为独立党,而30%自称为民主党,只有17%自称为共和党。 认为自己是独立党的美国人数量几乎等于认为自己是民主党或共和党(Rich,2009年,11月1日 ) , G.O.P.斯大林主义者入侵纽约州。 《纽约时报》,第WK8页。

    An important question for U.S. democracy is how much the Democratic and Republican parties differ on the major issues of the day. The Democratic Party is generally regarded as more liberal, while the Republican Party is regarded as more conservative, and voting records of their members in Congress generally reflect this difference. However, some critics of the U.S. political system think that in the long run there is not a “dime’s worth of difference,” to quote an old saying, between the two parties, as they both ultimately work to preserve corporate interests and capitalism itself (Alexander, 2008). Alexander, S. A. (2008, January 10). Socialists emerging as Democrats, Republicans lose voter confidence.  American Chronicle . Retrieved from    
    ::美国民主的一个重要问题是民主党和共和党在当今主要问题上的分歧有多大。 民主党被普遍认为是更加自由的,而共和党则被视为比较保守,其国会议员的投票记录也普遍反映了这种差异。 然而,一些美国政治制度的批评者认为,从长远来看,两党之间不存在“分歧的价值 ” , 引用两党之间的一句老话,因为它们最终都致力于维护公司利益和资本主义本身(Alexander,2008年;Alexander,S.A.(2008年,2008年,1月10日 ) 。 社会主义者成为民主党,共和党失去了选民信心。 《美国纪事》从中检索。

    In their view, the Democratic Party is part of the problem, as it tries only to reform the system instead of bringing about the far-reaching changes said to be needed to achieve true equality for all. These criticisms notwithstanding, it is true that neither of the major U.S. parties is as left-leaning as some of the major ones in Western Europe. The two-party system in the United States may encourage middle-of-the road positions, as each party is afraid that straying too far from the middle will cost it votes. In contrast, because several Western European nations have a greater number of political parties, a party may feel freer to advocate more polarized political views (Muddle, 2007). Muddle, C. (2007).  Populist radical right parties in Europe . New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    ::在他们看来,民主党是问题的一部分,因为它只是试图改革制度,而不是带来据说实现人人真正平等所需要的意义深远的变革。尽管这些批评意见是肯定的,美国主要政党没有一个像西欧一些主要政党一样左撇子。美国两党制可能鼓励中间道路立场,因为每个政党都担心偏离中间道路太远会给其投票造成代价。 相反,由于几个西欧国家有较多的政党,一个政党可能更自由地倡导更两极分化的政治观点(Muddle,2007年,Mudddle,C.(2007年)。欧洲的民粹主义激进右翼政党。纽约,纽约:剑桥大学出版社。

    The number of Americans who call themselves political Independents almost equals the number who consider themselves either a Democrat or a Republican.
    ::自称政治独立人士的美国人人数几乎等于认为自己是民主党人或共和党人的人数。

    © Thinkstock
    ::智商


    Some scholars see this encouragement of middle-of-the-road positions (and thus political stability) as a benefit of the U.S. two-party system, while other scholars view it as a disadvantage because it limits the airing of views that might help a nation by challenging the status quo (Richard, 2010). Richard, J. (2010, May 29). One cheer for the two-party system.  OpEdNews .
    ::一些学者认为,这种鼓励中途立场(从而也鼓励政治稳定)的做法有利于美国两党制,而另一些学者则认为这是一种不利的做法,因为它限制了通过质疑现状来帮助一个国家的观点的传播(Richard,2010年)。 Richard, J. (2010年,5月29日)。 为两党制欢呼。 OpEdNews, OpEdNews。

    Retrieved from   
    ::从

    One thing is clear: in the U.S. two-party model, it is very difficult for a third party to make significant inroads, because the United States lacks a  proportional representation system , found in many other democracies, in which parties win seats proportional to their share of the vote (Disch, 2002). Disch, L. J. (2002).  The tyranny of the two-party system . New York, NY: Columbia University Press.  Instead, the United States has a winner-takes-all system in which seats go to the candidates with the most votes. Even though the Green Party has several million supporters across the country, for example, its influence on national policy has been minimal, although it has had more influence in a few local elections.
    ::有一点是清楚的:在美国的两党模式中,第三方很难取得重大进展,因为美国缺乏比例代表制,这在其他许多民主国家中都存在,在这种制中,政党赢得的席位与其在选票中的份额成比例(Disch,2002年),Disch,L.J. (2002年)。两党制的暴政。纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社。相反,美国有一个赢家通吃制,在这种制中,席位由得票最多的候选人获得。 比如,尽管绿色党在全国拥有数百万名支持者,但它对国家政策的影响很小,尽管它在少数地方选举中影响力更大。

    Whether or not the Democratic and Republican parties are that different, U.S. citizens certainly base their party preference in part on their own political ideology. Evidence of this is seen in  , which shows the political ideology of GSS respondents who call themselves Democrats or Republicans. People’s political ideology is clearly linked to their party preference.
    ::不论民主党和共和党是否不同,美国公民肯定部分地将他们的政党偏好建立在他们自己的政治意识形态之上。 这一点的证据可见于此,它显示了自称为民主党或共和党的GSS受访者的政治意识形态。 人民的政治意识形态显然与他们的政党偏好相关。

      Political Ideology and Political Party Preference
    ::政治意识形态和政党优先

    Source: Data from General Social Survey, 2008.
    ::资料来源:2008年社会普查数据。


    Political Participation
    ::政治参与

    Perhaps the most important feature of representative democracies is that people vote for officials to represent their views, interests, and needs. For a democracy to flourish, political theorists say, it is essential that “regular” people participate in the political process. The most common type of political participation, of course, is voting; other political activities include campaigning for a candidate, giving money to a candidate or political party, and writing letters to political officials. Despite the importance of these activities in a democratic society, not very many people take part in them. Voting is also relatively uncommon among Americans, as the United States ranks lower than most of the world’s democracies in voter turnout (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2009). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. (2009). Voter turnout.
    ::也许代议制民主政体最重要的特征或许是人们投票选举官员代表他们的观点、利益和需要。 政治理论家说,民主要蓬勃发展,就必须让“普通”人民参与政治进程。 当然,最常见的政治参与类型是投票;其他政治活动包括竞选候选人,向候选人或政党提供资金,向政治官员写信。尽管这些活动在民主社会中很重要,但参与这些活动的人并不多。 美国人中的投票也比较少,因为美国投票率低于世界大多数民主国家(国际民主和选举援助学会,2009年,国际民主和选举援助学会,2009年,国际民主和选举援助学会,2009年,选民投票率)。

    Retrieved from 
    ::从


    ). One factor that explains these related trends is  voter apathy , prompted by a lack of faith that voting makes any difference and that government can be helpful. This lack of faith is often called  . As   dramatically shows, lack of faith in the government has dropped drastically since the 1960's, thanks in part, no doubt, to the Vietnam War during the 1960's and 1970's and the Watergate scandal of 1970's.
    ::解释这些相关趋势的一个因素是选民的冷漠态度,其原因是选民缺乏对投票产生任何影响的信心,而政府又能够有所帮助。 这种缺乏信心常常被称作 。 正如戏剧性地显示的那样,自1960年代以来,对政府的缺乏信心已经急剧下降,部分原因是1960年代和1970年代越南战争以及1970年代水门丑闻。

     Trends in Voter Turnout in Non-presidential Election Years
    ::非总统选举年份选民投票率趋势

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2009).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2009 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局(2009年)数据,《美国统计摘要:2009年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。

    Trust in U.S. Government
    ::对美国政府的信任

    Source: Data from American National Election Study
    ::资料来源:美国全国选举研究的数据。

      

    Yet it is also true that voter turnout varies greatly among Americans. In general, several sets of factors make citizens more likely to vote and otherwise participate in the political process (Burns, Schlozman, & Verba, 2001). Burns, N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (2001).  The private roots of public action: Gender, equality, and political participation . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.  These factors, or correlates of political participation, include (a) high levels of  resources , including time, money, and communication skills; (b)  psychological engagement  in politics, including a strong interest in politics and a sense of trust in the political process; and (c) involvement in  interpersonal networks  of voluntary and other organizations that recruit individuals into political activity. Thus people who are, for example, wealthier, more interested in politics, and more involved in interpersonal networks are more likely to vote and take part in other political activities than those who are poorer, less interested in politics, and less involved in interpersonal networks. Reflecting these factors, age and high socioeconomic status are especially important predictors of voting and other forms of political participation, as citizens who are older, wealthier, and more educated tend to have more resources, to be more interested in politics and more trustful of the political process, and to be more involved in interpersonal networks. As a result, they are much more likely to vote than people who are younger and less educated (see  ).
    ::美国人的选民投票率也确实存在差异。一般而言,有好几种因素使公民更有可能投票或以其他方式参与政治进程(Burns, Schlozman, & Verba, 2001年);Burns, N., Schlozman, K.L. & Verba, S. (2001年);公共行动的私人根源:性别、平等和政治参与。剑桥:哈佛大学出版社。这些因素或政治参与的相关因素包括伤心a) 资源水平高,包括时间、金钱和沟通技能;(b) 政治的心理参与,包括对政治的强烈兴趣和对政治进程的信任感;以及(c) 自愿组织和其他组织招募个人参与人际网络,例如,S. N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (2001年)。 因此,较富有、对政治更感兴趣和更多地参与人际网络的人,更可能投票和参加其他政治活动的人,而不是较贫穷、对政治不感兴趣的人,他们较少地参与人际网络。 反映这些因素、财富和高社会经济地位是特别重要的预测因素,因为投票和其他形式的政治信任程度更可能比公民更深,他们更感兴趣,更愿意参加更愿意参加政治,更愿意参加更深。


     Age, Education, and Percentage Voting, 2008
    ::年龄、教育和百分比投票率,2008年

    Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau. (2009).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2009 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from  .
    ::资料来源:美国人口普查局(2009年)数据,《美国统计摘要:2009年》,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷局。

    The lower voting rates for young people might surprise many readers: because many college students are politically active, it seems obvious that they should vote at high levels. That might be true for some college students, but the bulk of college students are normally not politically active, because they are too busy with their studies, extracurricular activities, and/or work, and because they lack sufficient interest in politics to be active. It is also true that there are many more people aged 18 to 24 (about 30 million), the traditional ages for college attendance, than there are actual college students (11 million). In view of these facts, the lower voting rates for young people are not that surprising after all.
    ::年轻人的低投票率可能令许多读者感到惊讶:因为许多大学生在政治上很活跃,所以他们显然应该在高层次投票。 对某些大学生来说可能是这样,但大部分大学生通常并不活跃,因为他们忙于学习、课外活动和/或工作,以及因为他们对政治缺乏足够的兴趣而没有积极参与,此外,18至24岁的人(大约3000万)比实际大学生(1100万)要多得多。 鉴于上述事实,年轻人的低投票率毕竟并不令人吃惊。

    Race and ethnicity also influence voting. In particular, Asians and Latinos vote less often than African Americans and whites among the citizen population. In 2008, roughly 65% of African Americans and 66% of non-Latino whites voted, compared to only 48% of Asians and 50% of Latinos (File & Cressey, 2010). File, T., & Cressey, S. (2010).  Voting and registration in the election of 2008  (Current Population Report P20-562). Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau.  The voting percentage for African Americans and Latinos was the highest for these groups since the Census Bureau began measuring citizens’ voting in 1996, possibly because of the presence of Barack Obama, who considers himself an African American, on the Democratic ticket.
    ::特别是,亚裔和拉美裔的投票频率低于非洲裔美国人和白人。 2008年,大约65%的非裔美国人和非拉美裔白人投票率为65%,非拉美裔白人投票率为66%,相比之下,亚洲人投票率仅为48%,拉美人投票率为50%(File & Cressey,2010年)。 File, T., & Cressey, S. (2010年)。 2008年选举的投票和登记(当前人口报告P20-562),华盛顿特区:美国人口普查局。 自1996年人口普查局开始衡量公民投票率以来,非裔美国人和拉美人的投票率是这些群体中最高的,这可能是因为巴拉克·奥巴马在民主票上自认是非洲裔美国人。

    The impact of age, race/ethnicity, education, and other variables on voting rates provides yet another example of the sociological perspective. As should be evident, they show that these aspects of our social backgrounds affect a very important political behavior, voting, even if we are not conscious of this effect.
    ::年龄、种族/族裔、教育和其他变数对投票率的影响是社会学视角的另一个例子。 显而易见,它们表明我们社会背景的这些方面影响着非常重要的政治行为,即投票,即使我们没有意识到这种影响。

    Voting rates differ by race and ethnicity. In particular, Asians and Latinos are less likely than African Americans and non-Latino whites to vote.
    ::投票率因种族和族裔而异,特别是亚洲人和拉美人比非裔美国人和非拉丁美洲白人少投票的可能性。

    © Thinkstock
    ::智商

    Special-Interest Groups and Lobbying: The Influence Industry
    ::特别利益集团和游说游说集团:影响产业

    From 2003 through 2008,  , organizations formed by special-interest groups to raise and spend money on behalf of political campaigns and various political issues, contributed more than $1 billion to the election campaigns of candidates for Congress (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). U.S. Census Bureau. (2010).  Statistical abstract of the United States: 2010 . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from   In 2008 and 2009, special-interest groups spent more than $6.3 billion to lobby Congress, the White House, and various federal agencies. They employed some 14,000 lobbyists, who outnumbered members of Congress 27 to 1, on such issues as health care, military spending, and transportation (Center for Responsive Politics, 2009). Center for Responsive Politics. (2009). Lobbying database.
    ::从2003年到2008年,由特殊利益集团组成的组织为政治运动和各种政治问题筹集和花费资金,为国会候选人的竞选活动(美国人口普查局,2010年)捐助了10多亿美元(2010年),美国人口普查局(2010年),美国统计摘要:2010年,华盛顿特区:美国政府印刷办公室,从2008年和2009年检索,特殊利益集团花费了63亿多美元游说国会、白宫和各种联邦机构,雇用了大约14 000名游说者,他们的人数超过了国会27名成员,涉及保健、军事开支和运输等问题(响应政治中心,2009年,响应政治中心,2009年),游说数据库。

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    The top lobbying group in 2009 was the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which spent more than $65 million to lobby Congress, federal agencies, and other parties; in second place was Exxon Mobil, which spent more than $21 million. The pharmaceutical and health products industry as a whole spent more than $200 million in 2009, while the insurance industry spent $122 million, oil and gas companies $121 million, electric and gas utilities $108 million, and business associations $93 million.
    ::2009年最大的游说团体是美国商会,它花费了超过6 500万美元游说国会、联邦机构和其他政党;第二位是埃克森美联储,花费超过2 100万美元。 2009年,制药和保健产品行业整体支出超过2亿美元,而保险业支出超过1.22亿美元,石油和天然气公司支出1.21亿美元,电力和煤气公用事业支出1.08亿美元,商业协会支出9 300万美元。

    Dubbed the “influence industry,” these lobbying efforts have long been criticized as having too much impact on federal policy and spending priorities. It is logical to think that the influence industry spends these large sums of money because it hopes to affect key legislation and other policies. This expenditure raises an important question: are PACs, special-interest groups, and lobbying good or bad for democracy? This question goes to the heart of the debate between pluralist and elite theories, discussed earlier.
    ::长期以来,这些游说努力一直被批评为对联邦政策和支出优先事项影响过大。 有理由认为,这些影响行业花费了这些巨额资金,因为它希望影响关键立法和其他政策。 这一支出提出了一个重要问题:PAC、特殊利益集团和游说对民主是好还是坏? 这个问题涉及到上文讨论的多元理论和精英理论之间的辩论的核心。

    Representatives of PACs and lobbying groups say it is important that elected officials hear all possible views on complex issues and that these organizations merely give money to help candidates who already think a certain way. Supporting this notion, public officials say they listen to all sides before making up their minds and are not unduly influenced by the money they receive and by the lobbying they encounter. For their part, pluralist theorists say PACs and lobbying groups are examples of the competing veto groups favored by the pluralist model and that no one special-interest group wins out in the long run (James, 2004). James, M. R. (2004).  Deliberative democracy and the plural polity . Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.
    ::PACs和游说团体的代表说,当选官员必须听取关于复杂问题的所有可能的意见,这些组织只给钱帮助已经有某种想法的候选人。 支持这一观点,公共官员说,他们在决定之前倾听各方的意见,不会受到他们得到的金钱和他们遇到的游说的不当影响。 多元理论家说,PACs和游说团体是多元化模式所支持的相互竞争的否决团体的例子,从长远看,没有一个特殊利益团体获胜(James,2004年)。 James, M.R.(2004年)。 民主的民主与多元政体。 Lawrence:堪萨斯大学出版社。


    The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other lobbying groups spent more than $6.3 billion in 2008 and 2009 on their efforts to influence federal legislation and regulations.
    ::美国商会和其他游说团体在2008年和2009年花费63亿多美元,努力影响联邦立法和条例。

    © Thinkstock
    ::智商


    Critics of the influence industry say that its impact is both large and unwarranted and charge that PACs, lobbyists, and the special-interest groups that fund them are buying influence and subverting democracy. Ample evidence exists, they say, of the impact of the influence industry on which candidates get elected and on which legislation gets passed or not passed. While special-interest groups for various sides of an issue do compete with each other, they continue, corporations and their PACs are much better funded and much more influential than the groups that oppose them (Clawson, Neustadtl, & Weller, 1998; Cook & Chaddock, 2009). Clawson, D., Neustadtl, A., & Weller, M. (1998).  Dollars and votes: How business campaign contributions subvert democracy . Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press; Cook, D. T., & Chaddock, G. R. (2009, September 28). How Washington lobbyists peddle power.  The Christian Science Monitor . Retrieved from
    ::影响产业的批评者们说,其影响既大又无理,指责PAC、游说者以及资助他们的特别利益集团正在购买影响力和颠覆民主。他们说,有充分证据表明,候选人当选的行业和立法通过或通过或没有通过的立法对影响产业的影响。虽然对问题不同方面的特殊利益集团的确相互竞争,但公司及其PAC继续存在,其资金和影响力比反对它们的群体要大得多(Clawson, Neustastatl, & Weller, 1998;Cook & Chaddock, N2009Clawson, D., Neustasttl, A. & Weller, M.(1998年)。美元和选票:商业运动如何颠覆民主。PA:Temple University Press;Cook, D.T. & Chaddock, G.R.(2009年,9月28日)。华盛顿游说家如何运用权力。基督教科学监测员。

    These concerns motivated sharp criticism of a U.S. Supreme Court decision in January 2010 regarding election advertisements by corporations and unions. The decision permitted corporations and unions to use money from their general funds to pay for ads urging the public to vote for or against a particular candidate. Because corporations have much more money than unions, the ruling was widely seen as being a procorporation one. The majority decision said that prohibitions of such advertising violated freedom of political speech by corporations and unions, while the minority decision said the ruling “threatens to undermine the integrity of elected institutions across the nation” (Vogel, 2010). Vogel, K. P. (2010, January 21). Court decision opens floodgates for corporate cash.  Politico .
    ::这些关切促使美国最高法院2010年1月关于公司和工会选举广告的裁决遭到尖锐批评,该裁决允许公司和工会利用其一般资金支付敦促公众投票支持或反对某一候选人的广告费。由于公司比工会多得多,该裁决被广泛认为是一种代理。多数人的裁决指出,禁止这类广告侵犯了公司和工会的政治言论自由,而少数人的裁决则说“威胁破坏全国民选机构的完整性”(Vogel,2010年)。Vogel,K.P.(2010年,1月21日),法院的裁决为公司现金打开了大门。

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    KEY TAKEAWAYS
    ::重要任务

    • Political ideology consists of views on social issues and on economic issues. An individual might be liberal or conservative on both kinds of issues, or liberal on one kind of issue and conservative on the other kind.
      ::政治意识形态包含对社会问题和经济问题的观点。 个人在这两种问题上都可能是自由的或保守的,或者在一种问题上是自由的,而在另一种问题上是保守的。
    • Almost as many Americans consider themselves Independents as consider themselves either Democrats or Republicans. Although some scholars say that there is not very much difference between the Democratic and Republican parties, liberals are more likely to consider themselves Democrats, and conservatives are more likely to consider themselves Republicans.
      ::尽管一些学者说民主党和共和党之间差别不大,但自由派更有可能认为自己是民主党人,保守派更有可能认为自己是共和党人。
    • Voting is the most common form of political participation. Several factors influence the likelihood of voting, and socioeconomic status (education and income) is a very important factor in this regard.
      ::投票是政治参与的最常见形式,有几个因素影响投票的可能性,社会经济地位(教育和收入)在这方面是一个非常重要的因素。
    • Political lobbying remains a very controversial issue, and critics continue to charge that the “influence industry” has too much sway over American social and economic policy.
      ::政治游说仍是一个争议性很大的问题, 批评者继续指责“影响产业”对美国社会和经济政策影响太大。