Section outline

  • Objectives
    ::目标目标目标和目标目标目标目标目标

    Explain the difference between the various types of collective and describe the explanations for collective behavior that have been proposed.
    ::解释各类集体行为之间的区别,并描述所提议的集体行为的解释。

    Explain the preconditions necessary for collective behavior to occur and explain how they build on one another.
    ::解释集体行为发生的必要先决条件,并解释它们如何相辅相成。


    Universal Generalizations
    ::普遍化

    Social behavior is patterned and predictable.
    ::社会行为具有模式性和可预测性。

    Collective behavior is a fundamental fact of human existence.
    ::集体行为是人类存在的基本事实。

    Collective behavior and the collectivities in which it occurs takes on many for.
    ::集体行为和集体行为 和它发生的集体 需要为许多人。

    All collectivities rely on communication among the participants.
    ::所有集体都依靠参与者之间的沟通。

     

    Guiding Questions
    ::问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问 问

    What is collective behavior and how do sociologists use this to help understand social interaction?
    ::什么是集体行为? 社会学家如何利用它来帮助理解社会互动?

    Would you be part of a flash mob?
    ::你会加入暴民吗?

    Describe the kinds of collective behavior crowds exhibit.
    ::描述集体行为人群展览的种类。

    What are the different types of collectivities and how are they created?
    ::哪些是不同类型的集体,它们是如何创造的?

    What is mass hysteria?  And how does mass media fuel mass hysteria?
    ::大规模歇斯底里是什么?大众媒体如何助长大规模歇斯底里?

    How does the contagion, emergent-norm and value added theory help to explain collective behavior?
    ::传染性、突发的温和和增值理论如何帮助解释集体行为?

    Collective Behavior
    ::集体行为行为

    Collective behavior  is a term sociologists use to refer to a miscellaneous set of behaviors in which large numbers of people engage. More specifically,   refers to relatively spontaneous and relatively unstructured behavior by large numbers of individuals acting with or being influenced by other individuals.  Relatively spontaneous  means that the behavior is somewhat spontaneous but also somewhat planned, while  relatively unstructured  means that the behavior is somewhat organized and predictable but also somewhat unorganized and unpredictable. As we shall see, some forms of collective behavior are more spontaneous and unstructured than others, and some forms are more likely than others to involve individuals who act together as opposed to merely being influenced by each other. As a whole, though, collective behavior is regarded as less spontaneous and less structured than conventional behavior, such as what happens in a classroom, a workplace, or the other settings for everyday behavior with which we are very familiar.
    ::集体行为是一个术语,用社会学家一词来指大量人参与的多种行为。更具体地说,是指与其他人一起或受其影响的大量个人相对自发的和相对无结构的行为。相对自发性意味着该行为有些自发性,但也有些有计划性,而相对无结构意味着该行为有些有组织、可预见,但也有些没有组织和不可预测。正如我们可以看到的那样,某些形式的集体行为比其他行为更自发性,没有结构,有些形式比其他行为更可能涉及共同行动的个人,而不是仅仅是相互影响的个人。 但总体而言,集体行为被视为比常规行为更少自发性和结构性,比如发生在教室、工作场所或其他我们非常熟悉的日常行为环境中的行为。

    T he term collective behavior refers to a miscellaneous set of behaviors. As such, these behaviors often have very little in common with each other, even if their basic features allow them to be classified as collective behavior. Common forms of collective behavior discussed in this section include crowds, mobs, panics, riots, disaster behavior, rumors, mass hysteria, moral panics, and fads and crazes. Of these forms, some (crowds, panics, riots, and disasters) involve people who are generally in each other’s presence and who are more or less interacting with each other, while other forms (rumors, mass hysteria, moral panics, and fads and crazes) involve people who are not in each other’s presence—in fact, they may be separated by hundreds or thousands of miles—but nonetheless share certain beliefs or concerns.
    ::集体行为一词是指一系列不同的行为。 因此,这些行为往往没有什么共同之处,即使其基本特征允许将其归类为集体行为。 本节讨论的常见集体行为形式包括人群、暴民、恐慌、骚乱、灾难行为、谣言、大规模歇斯底里、道德恐慌以及狂热和疯狂。 在这些形式中,有些形式(人群、恐慌、骚乱和灾害)涉及通常在彼此存在、或多或少在相互交往的人,而其他形式的(鼓动、大规模歇斯底里、道德恐慌、法德和疯狂)则涉及不在对方存在的人 — — 事实上,他们可能被隔开数百或数千英里 — — 但也有某些信仰或关切。


    Crowds
    ::人群数

    casual crowd  is a collection of people who happen to be in the same place at the same time. The people in this type of crowd have no real common bond, long-term purpose, or identity. An example of a casual crowd is a gathering of people who are waiting to cross the street at a busy intersection in a large city. True, they are all waiting to cross the street and to this degree do have a common goal, but this goal is temporary and this particular collection of people quickly disappears once this goal is achieved. As Erich Goode (1992, p. 22)  Goode, E. (1992).   Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  emphasizes, “members of casual crowds have little else in common except their physical location.” In fact, Goode thinks that casual crowds do not really act out collective behavior, since their behavior is relatively structured in that it follows conventional norms for behaving in such settings.
    ::临时人群是一群碰巧在同一时间在同一地点的人。 此类人群中的人没有真正的共同纽带、长期目的或身份。 临时人群的一个例子是一群人聚集在一个大城市繁忙的十字路口等待过街。 的确,他们都在等待过街,而这种程度的确有一个共同目标,但这个目标是暂时的,一旦达到这个目标,这种特殊人群的集合就会迅速消失。 正如Erich Goode(1992年,第22页)Goode, E.(1992年),集体行为。福特沃斯,TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。 强调,“临时人群的成员除了他们的实际位置之外,没有什么共同之处。” 事实上,古特认为,临时人群的行为并不真正超越集体行为,因为他们的行为结构相对符合在这种环境中行事的传统规范。


     

    A casual crowd is a collection of people who happen to be in the same place at the same time.  It has no common identity or long-term purpose.  This gathering of people in a Paris market place is an example of a casual crowd.  
    ::临时人群是一群碰巧同时在同一地点的人,没有共同身份或长期目的。 这种在巴黎市场聚集的人就是临时人群的一个例子。


    Conventional Crowd
    ::常规人群

    conventional crowd  is a collection of people who gather for a specific purpose. They might be attending a movie, a play, a concert, or a lecture. Goode (1992) Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  again thinks that conventional crowds do not really act out collective behavior; as their name implies, their behavior is very conventional and thus relatively structured.
    ::传统人群是一群为特定目的聚集在一起的人。 他们可能正在参加电影、戏剧、音乐会或讲座。 古德(1992年)Goode Goode,E.(1992年),集体行为。 堡沃思,TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。 再一次认为传统人群并不真正采取集体行为;正如他们的名字所暗示的那样,他们的行为非常传统,因此相对结构化。


    Expressive Crowd
    ::众众快众

    An  expressive crowd  is a collection of people who gather primarily to be excited and to express one or more emotions. Examples include a religious revival, a political rally for a candidate, and events like Mardi Gras. Goode (1992, p. 23) Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt.   Brace Jovanovich  points out that the main purpose of expressive crowds  is belonging to the crowd itself. Crowd activity for its members is an end in itself, not just a means. In conventional crowds, the audience wants to watch the movie or hear the lecture; being part of the audience is secondary or irrelevant. In expressive crowds, the audience also wants to be a member of the crowd, and participate in crowd behavior—to scream, shout, cheer, clap, and stomp their feet.
    ::一群人聚集在一起,主要是为了兴奋和表达一种或多种情绪。例如宗教复兴、候选人的政治集会和Mardi Gras等活动。Goode(1992年,第23页),Goode,E.(1992年),集体行为。Fort Worth,TX:Harcourt。Brace Jovanovich指出,表达人群的主要目的属于人群本身。其成员的人群活动是目的本身,而不仅仅是一种手段。在传统人群中,观众希望观看电影或听演讲;观众是观众的次要或无关紧要的一部分。在表达人群中,观众也希望成为人群的一员,并参与人群行为 — — 尖叫、呼喊、欢呼、鼓掌、鼓掌和踩脚。

    A conventional crowd may sometimes become an expressive crowd, as when the audience at a movie starts shouting if the film projector breaks. As this example indicates, the line between a conventional crowd and an expressive crowd is not always clear-cut. In any event, because excitement and emotional expression are defining features of expressive crowds, individuals in such crowds are engaging in collective behavior.
    ::传统人群有时会成为表达性人群,比如电影观众开始喊叫,如果电影放映器打破的话。 正如这个例子所示,传统人群和表达性人群之间的界线并不总是清晰的。 无论如何,由于兴奋和情感表达是表达性人群的特征,这些人群中的个人正在参与集体行为。


    Acting Crowd
    ::行动人群

    As its name implies, an  acting crowd  goes one important step beyond an expressive crowd by behaving in violent or other destructive behavior such as looting. A  —an intensely emotional crowd that commits or is ready to commit violence—is a primary example of an acting crowd. Many films and novels about the Wild West in U.S. history depict mobs lynching cattle and horse rustlers without giving them the benefit of a trial. Beginning after the Reconstruction period following the Civil War, lynch mobs in the South and elsewhere hanged or otherwise murdered several thousand people, most of them African Americans, in what would now be regarded as hate crimes. A  —a sudden reaction by a crowd that involves self-destructive behavior, as when people stomp over each other while fleeing a theater when a fire breaks out or while charging into a big-box store when it opens early with an amazing sale—is another example of an acting crowd. Acting crowds sometimes become so large and out of control that they develop into full-scale  riots , which we discuss momentarily.
    ::正如其名称所暗示的那样,一个表演人群通过表现暴力或其他破坏性行为,如抢劫等,超越了表达人群的重要一步。A——一个实施或准备实施暴力的强烈情绪人群——是一群行动人群的一个主要例子。许多电影和小说讲述了美国历史上的狂野西部,描绘了暴徒私刑宰杀牛和骑马者而没有给他们一个审判的好处。从内战之后的重建时期开始,南方和其他地方的私刑暴徒被绞死或以其他方式杀害了数千人,其中多数是非裔美国人,他们现在被视为仇恨犯罪。一个人群的突然反应,涉及自我毁灭行为,比如当火灾爆发时人们在逃离剧院时互相踩过对方,或者当火灾早点开始时在大商店中充电,这是一群人采取行动的又一个例子。有声的人群有时变得如此庞大,失控,以至于他们发展成全面暴乱,我们即刻讨论。


      


    Protest Crowd
    ::抗议群众群众

    As identified by Clark McPhail and Ronald T. Wohlstein (1983), McPhail, C., & Wohlstein, R. T. (1983). Individual and collective behaviors within gatherings, demonstrations, and riots.  Annual Review of Sociology, 9 , 579–600.  a fifth type of crowd is the protest crowd. As its name again implies, a  protest crowd  is a collection of people who gather to protest a political, social, cultural, or economic issue. The gatherings of people who participate in a sit-in, demonstration, march, or rally are all examples of protest crowds.
    ::正如Clark McPhail 和 Ronald T. Wohlstein(1983年)所指出的,McPhail C. & Wohlstein, R. T. (1983年),《集会、示威和暴乱中的个人和集体行为》。 《社会学年度评论》,9, 579-600。 第5类人群是抗议人群。 正如其名称再次暗示的那样,抗议人群是一群聚集在一起抗议政治、社会、文化或经济问题的人。 参加静坐、示威、游行或集会的人的集会都是抗议人群的例子。

     

    Thethree Selma to Montgomery marches in 1965 were part of the  Voting Rights Movement and are an example of a protest crowd.  
    ::1965年三起Selma至Montgomery的游行是选举权运动的一部分,


    Riots
    ::暴 暴 暴 暴 暴 暴 暴

     is a relatively spontaneous outburst of violence by a large group of people. The term  riot  sounds very negative, and some scholars have used terms like  urban revolt  or  urban uprising  to refer to the riots that many U.S. cities experienced during the 1960's. However, most collective behavior scholars continue to use the term riot without necessarily implying anything bad or good about this form of collective behavior, and we use riot here in that same spirit.
    ::暴动一词听起来非常消极,有些学者用城市暴动或城市暴动等术语来形容1960年代美国许多城市所经历的暴动。 然而,大多数集体行为学者继续使用暴动一词,但不一定暗示这种集体行为的任何不良或好,我们用同样的精神在这里使用暴动。

    Terminology notwithstanding, riots have  been part of American history since the colonial period, when colonists often rioted regarding “taxation without representation” and other issues (Rubenstein, 1970). Rubenstein, R. E. (1970).  Rebels in Eden: Mass political violence in the United States . Boston, MA: Little, Brown.  Between 75 and 100 such riots are estimated to have occurred between 1641 and 1759. Once war broke out with England, several dozen more riots occurred as part of the colonists’ use of violence in the American Revolution. Riots continued after the new nation began, as farmers facing debts often rioted against state militia. The famous Shays’s Rebellion, discussed in many U.S. history books, began with a riot of hundreds of people in Springfield, Massachusetts.
    ::尽管如此,自殖民时期以来,暴乱一直是美国历史的一部分。 殖民时代以来,殖民者经常在“无代表税收”和其他问题上暴动(Rubenstein,1970年)。 Rubenstein, R.E.(1970年)。 伊甸的反叛者:美国大规模政治暴力。波士顿,MA:Littil, Brown。 据估计,在1641年至1759年之间发生了75至100起这样的暴乱。 一旦与英格兰爆发战争,几十起以上的暴动就成为殖民者在美国革命中使用暴力的一部分。 新国家开始后,暴动仍在继续,面临债务的农民常常受到国家民兵的暴动。美国许多历史著作中讨论的著名的Shays的暴动开始于马萨诸塞州斯普林菲尔德(Springfield)数百人的暴动。

    Rioting became even more common during the first several decades of the 19th century. In this period rioting was “as much a part of civilian life as voting or working” (Rosenfeld, 1997, p. 484), Rosenfeld, M. J. (1997). Celebration, politics, selective looting and riots: A micro level study of the Bulls riot of 1992 in Chicago.  Social Problems, 44 , 483–502.  with almost three-fourths of U.S. cities experiencing at least one major riot. Most of this rioting was committed by native-born whites against African Americans, Catholics, and immigrants. Their actions led Abraham Lincoln to observe in 1837, “Accounts of outrages committed by mobs form the every-day news of the times…Whatever their causes be, it is common to the whole country” (quoted in Feldberg, 1980, p. 4). Feldberg, M. (1980).  The turbulent era: Riot and disorder in Jacksonian America . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
    ::19世纪前几十年,暴乱变得更加普遍。在这段时期,暴动“作为平民生活中的很大一部分是投票或工作”(Rosenfeld,1997年,第484页),Rosenfeld,M.J.(1997年)。庆祝、政治、有选择的抢劫和暴乱:1992年芝加哥公牛暴动的微观研究。社会问题,44 483-502页,美国将近四分之三的城市至少经历了一场重大暴动。这次暴动大部分是土生白人对非裔美国人、天主教徒和移民犯下的。他们的行动导致亚伯拉罕·林肯在1837年观察了“暴民犯下的暴行的计数构成时代的每日新闻......不管其原因为何,这是整个国家所共有的”(引自Feldberg,1980年,第4页)。Feldberg,M.(1980年)。动荡时期:美国Jackician American,纽约:牛津大学出版社。

    Rioting continued after the Civil War. Whites attacked Chinese immigrants because they feared the immigrants were taking jobs from whites and keeping wages lower than they otherwise would have been. Labor riots also became common, as workers rioted to protest inhumane working conditions and substandard pay.
    ::内战后,暴动仍在继续。 白人袭击中国移民,因为他们担心移民从白人那里打工,工资也比原来低。 劳动暴动也变得司空见惯,因为工人暴动抗议不人道的工作条件和低于标准的工资。

    Race riots again occurred during the early 20th century, as whites continued to attack African Americans in major U.S. cities. A major riot in East St. Louis, Illinois, in 1917 took the lives of 39 African Americans and 9 whites. Riots begun by whites occurred in at least seven more cities in 1919 and ended with the deaths of dozens of people (Waskow, 1967). Waskow, A. I. (1967).  From race riot to sit-in: 1919 and the 1960s . Garden City, NY: Anchor Books.  During the 1960s, riots took place in many Northern cities as African Americans reacted violently to reports of police brutality or other unfair treatment. Estimates of the number of riots during the decade range from 240 to 500, and estimates of the number of participants in the riots range from 50,000 to 350,000 (Downes, 1968; Gurr, 1989). Downes, B. T. (1968).
    ::1917年伊利诺伊州东圣路易斯发生重大骚乱,39名非裔美国人和9名白人丧生。1919年,至少另外7个城市发生了白人引发的暴动,导致数十人死亡(Waskow,1967年)。Waskow,A.I.(1967年)。从种族暴动到静坐:1919年和1960年代。纽约花园市:Anchor Books。1960年代,许多北方城市发生暴动,因为非裔美国人对警察暴行或其他不公平待遇的报道作出暴力反应。十年间,暴动次数估计在240至500之间,参加暴动的人数估计在50,000至350 000之间(Downs,1968年;Gurr,1989年)。Downes,B.T.(1968年)。

      


    Types of Riots
    ::暴动类型

    Several types of riots may be identified according to the motivation and goals of the participants in the riots. One popular typology distinguishes between protest riots and celebration riots (McPhail, 1994). McPhail, C. (1994). The dark side of purpose: Individual and collective violence in riots. Sociological Quarterly, 35 , 1–32.   Protest riots  express discontent regarding a political, social, cultural, or economic issue, while  celebration riots  express joy or delight over an event or outcome, such as the celebration of a football team’s championship that gets out of hand. Protest riots are fundamentally political in nature, while celebration riots are decidedly apolitical.
    ::根据暴乱参与者的动机和目标,可以确定几类暴乱。 一种流行的类型将抗议暴乱和庆祝暴乱区分开来(McPhail,1994年)。McPhail,C.(1994年)。目的的阴暗面:暴动中的个人和集体暴力。 社会季刊,35,1-32。 抗议暴动表达了对政治、社会、文化或经济问题的不满,而庆祝暴动则表达了对某一事件或结果的喜悦或喜悦,比如庆祝足球队失控的锦标赛。 抗议暴动本质上是政治性的,而庆祝暴动则是非政治性的。

    Another popular typology distinguishes four types of riots: purposive, symbolic, revelous, and issueless (Goode, 1992). Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Purposive riots  arise from dissatisfaction regarding a particular issue and are intended to achieve a specific goal regarding that issue. The colonial riots mentioned earlier are examples of purposive riots, as are many of the riots that have occurred in U.S. prisons during the past few decades.  Symbolic riots express general discontent but do not really aim to achieve a specific goal. The early 20th-century riots by whites, also mentioned earlier, are examples of symbolic riots.  Revelous riots  are the same as the celebration riots already discussed, while  issueless riots  have no apparent basis or purpose. An example of an issueless riot is the looting and general violence that sometimes occurs during a citywide electrical outage.
    ::另一种流行的类型将暴乱分为四种类型:有目的的、象征性的、令人激动的和没有问题的暴动(Goode,1992年)。Goode, E.(1992年)。集体行为。Fort Worth, TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。 Purposive 暴动产生于对某个特定问题的不满,目的是实现关于这一问题的具体目标。前面提到的殖民暴动是有目的的暴动的例子,过去几十年在美国监狱发生的许多暴动也是有目的的。有象征性的暴动表达了普遍的不满,但并不真正是为了达到一个特定的目标。20世纪初白人的暴动也是象征性暴动的例子,前面也提到过。有意义的暴动与已经讨论过的庆祝暴动一样,没有问题的暴动没有明显的基础或目的。没有问题的暴动的例子是抢劫和一般暴力,有时发生在全城市的电流中。


    Disaster Behavior
    ::灾害行为行为

     is an accident or natural catastrophe that causes many deaths and much property destruction. Hurricanes, earthquakes, tornadoes, fires, and floods are the most common natural disasters, while the sinking of the  Titanic  and the April 2010 BP oil well explosion are among the most well-known accidents that had disastrous consequences. Some disasters, such as plane crashes and the Titanic  sinking, are very “localized” and affect a relatively small number of people, however tragic the consequences might be for those directly affected. Other disasters, such as hurricanes and earthquakes, affect a much larger geographical area and number of people and thus have far-reaching consequences.
    ::飓风、地震、龙卷风、大火和洪水是最常见的自然灾害,而泰坦尼克号和2010年4月英国石油公司油井爆炸的沉没则是最著名的具有灾难性后果的事故之一,有些灾害,如飞机坠毁和泰坦尼克号沉没,非常“当地化”,影响到相对少数的人,尽管对直接受灾者的后果可能是悲惨的,但其他灾害,如飓风和地震,影响更多的地理区域和人数,从而产生深远的后果。

    Some sociologists study why disasters occur, but sociologists interested in collective behavior study another aspect of disasters: how people behave during and after a disaster. We call this form of behavior  .
    ::一些社会学家研究灾害发生的原因,但对集体行为感兴趣的社会学家研究灾害的另一个方面:人们在灾害期间和灾害后的行为方式。我们称之为这种形式的行为。

    When disasters occur, people’s daily lives and normal routines are disrupted. As David L. Miller (2000, p. 250) Miller, D. L. (2000).  Introduction to collective behavior and collective action  (2nd ed.). Springfield, IL: Waveland Press.  observes, d isasters often strike without warning, and when they do, people face unexpected and unfamiliar problems that demand direct and prompt action. There is the obvious problem of sheer survival at the moment when disaster strikes. During impact, individuals must confront and cope with their fears while at the same time looking to their own and others’ safety. After disaster impact, people encounter numerous problems demanding life-and-death decisions as they carry out rescues and aid the injured.
    ::当灾害发生时,人们的日常生活和正常生活就会遭到破坏。 正如David L.Miller(2000年,第250页)Miller,D.L.(2000年)《集体行动和集体行动介绍》(第2版 ) 。 Springfield, IL:Waveland Press指出,灾害往往在没有警告的情况下发生,当发生灾害时,人们会面临意外和不熟悉的问题,需要立即采取直接行动。 在灾害发生时,人们显然存在生存问题。 在灾害发生时,个人必须面对和应对他们的恐惧,同时注意自身和他人的安全。 灾难发生后,人们在进行救援和帮助伤员时会遇到许多要求作出生死决定的问题。

    Over the next several days, weeks, and months, they must make many adjustments as their lives slowly return to normal, or at least as close to normal as can be expected. How do people generally behave while all this is going on?
    ::在接下来的数天、数周和数月中,他们必须做出许多调整,因为随着他们的生活慢慢恢复正常,或者至少接近于预期的正常水平。 当这一切发生的时候,人们一般会怎么做呢?

    A common belief is that people look out for themselves after a disaster occurs and that they panic and engage in “wild, selfish, individualistic, exploitative behavior” (Goode, 1992, p. 181). Goode, E. (1992). Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.   However, sociologists who study disaster behavior generally find that the opposite is true: people stay remarkably calm after a disaster occurs and for the most part do not react with terror or panic. As Goode (1992, p. 181) Goode, E. (1992). Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  observes, “People tend to confer with others about the appropriate line of action. They weigh alternatives, consider consequences, and come up with socially and collectively reasoned solutions.” In addition, relatively few people experience emotional shock. Friends, relatives, and even strangers tend to help one another and generally display a “high level of concern for and generosity toward disaster victims” (Miller, 2000, p. 274). Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  Grief, depression, and other psychological consequences do occur, but these generally are no more serious than the reactions that follow the deaths of friends and family members caused by reasons other than disasters.
    ::一种共同的信念是,人们在灾害发生后会为自己着想,他们惊慌不安并从事“疯狂、自私、个人主义、剥削行为”(Goode,1992年,第181页)。Goode, E.(1992年),E.(1992年)。Goode, E.(1992年),E.1992年。集合行为。Fort Worth,TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。Fort Worth,TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。指出,“人们倾向于与他人商议适当的行动方针。他们权衡替代办法,考虑后果,提出社会和集体推理的解决办法。” 此外,相对较少的人经历情感震荡。 朋友、亲戚甚至陌生人往往互相帮助,通常表现出“对灾民的高度关切和慷慨”(Miller,2000年,第274页)。Goode,Greme, E.Worth, TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。 观察, “人们倾向于与他人协商适当的行动方针,他们考虑各种后果,考虑后果,然后是Harcourt Brevich,通常由其他的心理原因导致的心理后果。


    During a time of disaster such as hurricane Katrina, thousands of volunteers displayed generosity towards many victims.
    ::在卡特里娜飓风等灾害期间,数千名志愿人员向许多受害者慷慨解囊。


    Collective Preoccupations
    ::集体前职业

    Collective preoccupation involves people who hardly ever meet, don't even interact, yet engage in similar behavior and understand the reason of that particular behavior.  For the most part, they start of with a small group of people and them move to greater audiences.  Examples of collective preoccupations include fashions, fads, rumors, and urban legends.
    ::集体关注涉及那些几乎从未相遇、甚至不互动、但从事类似行为并理解该特定行为原因的人。 在大多数情况下,他们从一小撮人开始,转向更多的受众。 集体关注的例子包括时尚、时尚、传说、流言和城市传说。

    The types of collective behavior discussed so far—crowds, riots, and disaster behavior—all involve people who are often physically interacting with one another. As mentioned earlier, however, some forms of collective behavior involve people who are much more widespread geographically and who typically do not interact. Nonetheless, these people share certain beliefs and perceptions that sociologists classify as collective behavior. Two broad categories of these beliefs and perceptions have been distinguished: (a) rumors, mass hysteria, and moral panics; and (b) fads and crazes.
    ::迄今为止所讨论的集体行为类型——人群、暴乱和灾害行为——都涉及经常相互进行身体互动的人。然而,如前所述,某些形式的集体行为涉及在地理上更为广泛而且通常不互动的人。然而,这些人有着社会学家认为属于集体行为的某些信仰和观念。这些信仰和观念分为两大类sada) 谣言、大规模歇斯底里和道德恐慌;以及(b) 偏执和疯狂。

    Rumors, mass hysteria, and moral panics all involve strongly held beliefs and perceptions that turn out to be not true at all or at least gross distortions of reality. A   is a story based on unreliable sources that is nonetheless passed on from one person to another person. A rumor may turn out to be true, but it often turns out to be false or at least to be an exaggeration or distortion of the facts. The defining feature of a rumor, though, is that when it arises it is not based on reliable evidence and thus is unsubstantiated (Goode, 1992). Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  In today’s electronic age, rumors can be spread very quickly over the Internet and via Facebook, Twitter, and other social media. In October 2010, a rumor quickly spread that Apple was planning to buy Sony. Although there was no truth to the rumor, Sony’s stock shares rose in value after the rumor began (Albanesius, 2010). Albanesius, C. (2010, October 26). Apple buying Sony? Probably not.  PC Magazine . Retrieved from    
    ::谣言、 大规模歇斯底里和道德恐慌都包含强烈持有的信仰和观念,这些信仰和观念最终证明根本不是真实的,至少是对现实的严重扭曲。 一个故事基于不可靠的来源,但还是从一个人传到另一个人。 谣言可能证明是真的,但谣言往往证明是虚假的,至少是夸大事实或歪曲事实。 谣言的特征是,当谣言出现时,它并非基于可靠证据,因此是没有根据的(Goode,1992年)。Goode, E.(1992年)。Goodede, E.(1992年)。集体行为。Fort Worth, TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。在当今的电子时代,谣言可以很快在互联网上并通过Facebook、Twitter和其他社交媒体传播。 2010年10月,传说苹果计划购买索尼的谣言迅速传播。尽管谣言没有真实性,但索尼股票的价值在谣言开始后上升(Alnesius,2010年)。 Albansius, C. (2010年,10月26) 苹果购买索尼?

     refers to widespread, intense fear of and concern for a danger that turns out to be false or greatly exaggerated. Episodes of mass hysteria are relatively rare. One that is often-cited is the “War of the Worlds” episode (Miller, 2000). Miller, D. L. (2000).  Introduction to collective behavior and collective action  (2nd ed.). Springfield, IL: Waveland Press.  On October 30, 1938, actor and director Orson Welles aired a radio adaptation of this famous story by H. G. Wells, which involved a Martian invasion of Earth. The show depicted the invasion occurring in New Jersey and New York, and thousands of listeners reportedly thought that an invasion was really occurring. This was decades before the Internet, so they called the police, National Guard, hospitals, and other sources for information and got in touch with friends and family members to share their fears. Although the next day newspapers carried many stories of stampedes in theaters, heart attacks, suicides, and other intense reactions to the radio show, these stories turned out to be false.
    ::“大规模歇斯底里现象”的情节相对较少。人们经常引用的是“世界大战”一集(Miller, 2000, Miller, D. L. (2000) ) 。 Springfield, IL: Waveland Press, 1938年10月30日,演员和导演Orson Welles 在电台上对H. G. Wells的这一著名故事进行了改编,该故事涉及火星入侵地球。该节目描绘了发生在新泽西和纽约的入侵事件,据说数千名听众认为这次入侵确实发生了。这是在互联网前几十年,他们叫警察、国民警卫队、医院和其他信息来源,并与朋友和家庭成员接触,以分享他们的恐惧。尽管第二天的报纸在剧院、心脏病袭击、自杀和对电台节目的其他强烈反应中刊登了许多有关印章的故事,但这些故事被证明是虚假的。

     is closely related to mass hysteria and refers to widespread concern over a perceived threat to the moral order that turns out to be false or greatly exaggerated. Often people become very concerned about a moral problem involving such behaviors as drug use and sexual activity. Their concerns may have no basis in reality or may greatly exaggerate the potential and actual danger posed by the problem. In either case, their strongly held moral views about the situation heighten their concern, and they often seek legislation or take other actions to try to battle the moral problem.
    ::A与大规模歇斯底里密切相关,并提到人们广泛关注对道德秩序的明显威胁,这种威胁被证明是虚假的或大为夸大;人们往往对涉及吸毒和性活动等行为的道德问题感到非常关切;他们的关切在现实中可能没有依据,或可能大大夸大了问题所带来的潜在和实际危险;无论在哪种情况下,他们对形势持有强烈的道德观点,都加剧了他们的关切,他们常常寻求立法或采取其他行动,试图与道德问题作斗争。

    Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda (2009) Goode, E., & Ben-Yehuda, N. (2009).  Moral panics: The social construction of deviance . Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.  describe several moral panics in American history. One of the most important was the concern over alcohol that motivated the Prohibition movement of the early 20th century. This movement was led primarily by rural Protestants who abhorred drinking as a moral and social sin. They thought drinking was a particular problem among urban residents, many of whom were Catholic Irish and Italian immigrants. Their Catholic faith and immigrant status contributed to the outrage that Prohibition activists felt about their alcohol use.
    ::Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda (2009年)和Nachman Ben-Yehuda (2009年) (2009年),《道德恐慌:叛逆的社会结构》,MA:Wiley-Blackwell,Malden,MA:Wiley-Blackwell,描述美国历史上的几起道德恐慌。最重要的是,对酒精引发20世纪初禁酒运动的关切。这场运动主要由憎恶饮酒为道德和社会罪的农村新教徒领导。他们认为饮酒是城市居民中的一个特殊问题,其中许多人是天主教爱尔兰人和意大利移民。他们的天主教信仰和移民身份助长了禁酒活动者对饮酒感到愤怒。

    Another moral panic over a drug occurred during the 1930s and led to antimarijuana legislation. Marijuana had been legal before then, but Anglo Americans became concerned about its use among Mexican Americans. Newspapers began to run articles about the effects of marijuana, which was said to turn its users into rapists and other types of violent criminals. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics provided “facts” about these effects to the news media, which published this misleading information.
    ::20世纪30年代,对一种毒品的另一种道德恐慌引发了反大麻法。 大麻在那时以前是合法的,但英裔美国人开始担心大麻在墨西哥美国人中的使用。 报纸开始报道大麻的影响,据说大麻的使用者变成了强奸犯和其他类型的暴力罪犯。 联邦缉毒局向媒体提供了这些影响“事实 ” , 媒体发表了这种误导信息。

    Another moral panic over a drug occurred during the 1930s and led to antimarijuana legislation. Marijuana had been legal before then, but Anglo Americans became concerned about its use among Mexican Americans. Newspapers began to run articles about the effects of marijuana, which was said to turn its users into rapists and other types of violent criminals. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics provided “facts” about these effects to the news media, which published this misleading information.
    ::20世纪30年代,对一种毒品的另一种道德恐慌引发了反大麻法。 大麻在那时以前是合法的,但英裔美国人开始担心大麻在墨西哥美国人中的使用。 报纸开始报道大麻的影响,据说大麻的使用者变成了强奸犯和其他类型的暴力罪犯。 联邦缉毒局向媒体提供了这些影响“事实 ” , 媒体发表了这种误导信息。


    Fads and Crazes
    ::法和疯狂

    Fads and crazes make up the second category of beliefs and perceptions that are considered to be collective behavior. A   is a rather insignificant activity or product that is popular for a relatively short time, while a   is a temporary activity that attracts the obsessive enthusiasm of a relatively small group of people (Goode, 1992). Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.  American history has witnessed many kinds of fads and crazes throughout the years, including goldfish swallowing, stuffing people into a telephone booth, and the notorious campus behavior known as streaking. Products that became fads include Rubik’s Cube, Pet Rocks, Cabbage Patch dolls, and Beanie Babies. Cell phones were a fad when they first appeared, but they have become so common and important that they have advanced far beyond the definition of a fad.     
    ::法西斯和疯狂构成了第二类信仰和看法,被认为是集体行为。A是一种相当无关紧要的活动或产品,在相对较短的时间内很受欢迎,而A是一种临时活动,吸引了相对少数人群的痴迷情绪(Goode,1992年)。Goode, E.(1992年)。 集体行为。福特沃斯,TX:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich。多年来,美国历史经历了许多怪异和疯狂,包括吞食金鱼、将人们塞进电话亭以及臭名昭著的校园行为。 成为老牌的产品包括Rubik的Cube、Pet Rocks、Cabbbage Pick 玩偶和Beanie。 手机首次出现时就是一个怪胎,但它们变得非常常见和重要,以至于远远超越了fad的定义。


     Explaining Collective Behavior
    ::解释集体行为

    Over the years, sociologists and other scholars have proposed many explanations of collective behavior. Most of these explanations have focused on crowds, riots, and social movements, rather than on rumors, fads, and other collective behaviors that involve less social interaction.   summarizes these explanations.
    ::多年来,社会学家和其他学者对集体行为提出了许多解释。 这些解释大多集中在人群、暴乱和社会运动上,而不是流言、流言和其他涉及较少社会互动的集体行为上。 总结这些解释。

    Table  Theory Snapshot
    ::列表理论抓图

    Theory Major assumptions
    Contagion theory Collective behavior is emotional and irrational and results from the hypnotic influence of the crowd.
    Convergence theory Crowd behavior reflects the beliefs and intentions that individuals already share before they join a crowd.
    Emergent norm theory People are not sure how to behave when they begin to interact in collective behavior. As they discuss their potential behavior, norms governing their behavior emerge, and social order and rationality then guide their behavior.
    Value-added theory Collective behavior results when several conditions exist, including structural strain, generalized beliefs, precipitating factors, and lack of social control.

    Contagion Theory
    ::堆叠理论

    Contagion theory  was developed by French scholar Gustave Le Bon (1841–1931) in his influential 1895 book,  The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind  (Le Bon, 1895/1960). Bon, G. L. (1960).  The crowd: A study of the popular mind . New York, NY: Viking Press. (Original work published 1895)  Like many other intellectuals of his time, Le Bon was concerned about the breakdown of social order that was said to have begun with the French Revolution a century earlier and to have continued throughout the 19th century. Mob violence by the poor was common in the century in cities in Europe and the United States. Intellectuals, who tended to live in relatively wealthy circumstances, were very disturbed by this violence. They viewed it as irrational behavior, and they thought that the people taking part in it were being unduly swayed by strong emotions and the influence of other people in the mobs.
    ::法国学者古斯塔夫·勒邦(古斯塔夫·勒邦(1841-1931年)在其具有影响力的1895年著作《人群:大众思想研究》(Le Bon,1895/1960年).Bon,G.L.(1960年)中发展了融合理论。人群:大众思想研究。纽约:维京出版社(原始著作发表于1895年)和他那个时代的许多其他知识分子一样,也关注社会秩序的崩溃,据说社会秩序从一个世纪前法国革命开始,并持续到19世纪。 穷人的暴动在欧洲和美国的城市是本世纪司空见惯的。 知识分子往往生活在相对富裕的环境中,他们对此暴力感到非常不安。 他们认为这是非理性的行为,他们认为参与其中的人受到强烈的情绪和暴民中其他人的影响的不适当影响。

    Le Bon’s book and its contagion theory reflected these intellectuals’ beliefs. When individuals are by themselves, he wrote, they act rationally, but when they are in a crowd, they come under its almost hypnotic influence and act irrationally and emotionally. They no longer can control their unconscious instincts and become violent and even savage. In short, contagion theory argues that collective behavior is irrational and results from the contagious influence of the crowds in which individuals find themselves.
    ::勒邦的书及其传染理论反映了这些知识分子的信仰。 当个人自己一个人,他写道,他们的行为是理性的,但是当他们身处人群中时,他们却受到其几乎催眠的影响,在精神上毫无理性地行事。 他们不再能够控制自己的无意识本能,变得暴力甚至野蛮。 简言之,传染理论认为集体行为是非理性的,并且是由人群的传染影响导致的。

    The views of contagion theory were popular well into the 20th century, but scholars came to believe that collective behavior is much more rational than Le Bon thought and also that individuals are not controlled by crowd influences as he thought.
    ::传染理论的观点在20世纪很受欢迎, 但学者们相信集体行为比Le Bon想的更理性,

    Contagion theory assumes that people in a crowd act emotionally and irrationally because they come under the influence of the crowd’s impulses.
    ::抗议理论认为,人群中的人在情感上和不理性上的行为,因为他们受到人群冲动的影响。

    Source: Photo courtesy of Joanna, .
    ::照片来自Joanna,

    Convergence Theory
    ::趋同理论

    Convergence theory  is one of the theories that presented this new understanding of collective behavior. According to this theory, crowds do not unduly influence individuals to act in emotional and even violent ways. Rather, crowd behavior reflects the behavior and attitudes of the individuals who decide to join a crowd. Once they converge in a crowd, the behavior of the crowd is a consequence of their behavior and attitude. Instead of the crowd affecting the individuals in it, the individuals in it affect the crowd. Reflecting the adage that “birds of a feather flock together,” people who feel a certain way about a particular issue and who wish to act in a certain way tend to find and converge with similar people.    The crowd they form then reflects their beliefs and desired activities. As Goode (1992, p. 58) Goode, E. (1992).  Collective behavior . Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich  writes, convergence theory  says that the way people act in crowds or publics is an expression or outgrowth of  who they are ordinarily . It argues that like-minded people come together in, or  converge  on, a certain location where collective behavior can and will take place, where individuals can act out tendencies or traits they had in the first place. (emphasis in original)
    ::趋同理论是提出对集体行为的新理解的理论之一。根据这一理论,人群不会不适当地影响个人以情感甚至暴力的方式采取行动。相反,人群行为反映了决定加入人群的个人的行为和态度。一旦人群聚集在人群中,人群的行为是其行为和态度的结果。人群行为不是人群影响人群,而是人群影响人群,而是人群影响人群。反映“羽毛鸟群聚集在一起”的格言,对于某个特定问题有某种感觉的人,希望以某种方式行动的人倾向于找到和聚集类似的人。他们形成的人群随后反映了他们的信仰和理想活动。正如Goode(1992年,第58页)Goode,E.(1992年),集体行为。Fort Worth, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich写道,趋同理论表明,人群或公众中人们的行为方式是他们通常的表达或结果。它表明,有志同道同的人聚集在一起,或者聚集在一个他们能够和将具有原始行为或倾向的地方。

    Convergence theory does not deny that people may do something in a crowd that they would not do by themselves, but it does say that what a crowd does largely reflects the individuals who compose it. If we think of a mob or at least a small group of people who commit a hate crime—for example, gay bashing—we can see an application of convergence theory. The individuals who form this group are people who hate homosexuality and who hate gays and lesbians. The group violence they commit reflects these beliefs.
    ::趋同理论并不否认人们可以在人群中做一些他们自己不会做的事情,但它确实说,人群所做的事情在很大程度上反映了组成人群的人。 如果我们想到一群暴徒或至少一小撮人犯下仇恨犯罪,比如同性恋殴打,我们可以看到一种趋同理论的应用。组成这一群体的人是那些憎恨同性恋和憎恨同性恋和同性恋的人。他们实施的团体暴力反映了这些信仰。


    Emergent Norm Theory
    ::新兴规范理论

    A woman walking down the street with a rainbow umbrella is shown here.

    According to the emergent-norm perspective, people have their own reasons for joining a parade. (Photo courtesy of Infrogmation of New Orleans/flickr)
    ::根据新奥尔良文化的观点,人们有自己的理由参加游行。

    Just after the mid-20th century, Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian (1957) Turner, R. H., & Killian, L. M. (1957).  Collective behavior . Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.  presented their  emergent norm theory  of collective behavior, which downplayed the irrationality emphasized in earlier decades by Le Bon and other intellectuals. According to Turner and Killian, when people start interacting in collective behavior, initially they are not sure how they are supposed to behave. As they discuss their potential behavior and other related matters, norms governing their behavior emerge, and social order and rationality then guide behavior.
    ::20世纪中叶刚刚过后,拉尔夫·特纳和刘易斯·基利安(Law H. Turner, R. H., & Killian, L. M. (1957年),集体行为。恩格莱伍德·克利夫斯(Englew Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall)介绍了他们新出现的集体行为规范理论,该理论贬低了Le Bon和其他知识分子在前几十年所强调的非理性。根据特纳和基利安(Lewis M. Killian)的说法,当人们开始以集体行为进行互动时,他们最初并不确定他们应该如何行事。当他们讨论其潜在行为和其他相关问题时,他们的行为规范出现,社会秩序和理性则指导行为。

    In at least two ways, emergent norm theory takes a middle ground between contagion theory and convergence theory. As should be clear, emergent norm theory views collective behavior as more rational than contagion theory does. But it also views collective behavior as less predictable than convergence theory does, as it assumes that people do not necessarily already share beliefs and intentions before they join a crowd.
    ::至少在两个方面,新兴规范理论在传染理论和趋同理论之间占据了中间位置。 很显然,新兴规范理论认为集体行为比传染理论更理性。 但它也认为集体行为比趋同理论更不可预测,因为它假定人们在加入人群之前不一定已经分享了信仰和意图。

    Value-Added Theory
    ::添加价值的理论

    One of the most popular and influential explanations of social movements and other forms of collective behavior is Neil Smelser’s (1963) Smelser, N. J. (1963).  Theory of collective behavior . New York, NY: Free Press.   value-added theory  (also called  structural-strain theory ). Smelser wrote that social movements and other collective behavior occur if and only if several conditions are present. One of these conditions is  structural strain , which refers to problems in society that cause people to be angry and frustrated. Without such structural strain, people would not have any reason to protest, and social movements do not arise. 
    ::社会运动和其他集体行为形式最受欢迎和最有影响力的解释之一是尼尔·斯梅尔塞尔的《尼尔·斯梅尔塞尔》(1963年),N.J.(1963年),《集体行为理论》,纽约:自由新闻社。 增值理论(也称结构-压力理论 ) 。 斯梅尔写道,社会运动和其他集体行为只有在存在若干条件的情况下才会发生。 其中一个条件是结构紧张,这指的是导致人们愤怒和沮丧的社会问题。 没有这种结构紧张,人们就没有理由抗议,社会运动也不会出现。

    Another condition is  generalized beliefs , which are people’s reasons for why conditions are so bad and their solutions to improve them. If people decide that the conditions they dislike are their own fault, they will decide not to protest. Similarly, if they decide that protest will not improve these conditions, they again will not protest. A third condition is the existence of  precipitating factors , or sudden events that ignite collective behavior. In the 1960s, for example, several urban riots started when police were rumored to have unjustly arrested or beaten someone. Although conditions in inner cities were widely perceived as unfair and even oppressive, it took this type of police behavior to ignite people to riot. A fourth condition is  lack of social control ; collective behavior is more likely if potential participants do not expect to be arrested or otherwise hurt or punished. 
    ::另一个条件是普遍信仰,这是人们为什么状况如此糟糕的原因,也是他们改善这种状况的解决方案的原因。如果人们决定他们不喜欢的条件是他们自己的错,他们就会决定不抗议。同样,如果他们决定抗议不会改善这些条件,他们也不会再次抗议。 第三个条件是存在触发因素,或引发集体行为的突发事件。 例如,在1960年代,当传闻警察不公正地逮捕或殴打某人时,发生了几起城市暴乱。 虽然人们普遍认为城市内部的条件不公平,甚至压迫性,但这种警察行为却导致人们暴动。 第四个条件是缺乏社会控制;如果潜在参与者预计不会被逮捕、伤害或惩罚,集体行为就更有可能发生。

      According to sociologist Neil Smelser, an important condition for protest is a precipitating factor: a sudden event  that ignites people to take action. During the 1960s, several urban riots began when police were rumored to have  unjustly arrested or beaten someone. hurt or punished. 
    ::社会学家尼尔·斯梅尔塞(Neil Smelser)指出,抗议的一个重要条件是一个催生因素:突然事件引发人们采取行动。 1960年代,数起城市暴动开始于传闻警察不公正地逮捕或殴打某人、伤害或惩罚时。


    Smelser’s theory became very popular because it pointed to several factors that must hold true before social movements and other forms of collective behavior occur. However, collective behavior does not always occur when Smelser’s factors do hold true. The theory has also been criticized for being a bit vague; for example, it does not say how much strain a society must have for collective behavior to take place (Rule, 1988). Rule, J. B. (1988).  Theories of civil violence . Berkeley: University of California Press.


    KEY TAKEAWAYS
    ::重要任务

    • Contagion theory assumes that individuals act irrationally as they come under the hypnotic influence of a crowd. Collective behavior scholars now believe that collective behavior is much more rational than contagion theory assumed.
      ::凝聚理论假设个人在受到人群催眠影响时行为不理性。 集体行为学者现在认为集体行为比传染理论假设的理性得多。
    • Convergence theory assumes that crowd behavior reflects the preexisting values and beliefs and behavioral disposition of the individuals who join a crowd.
      ::融合理论认为,人群行为反映了加入人群的个人先前存在的价值观、信仰和行为方式。
    • Emergent norm theory assumes that norms emerge after people gather for collective behavior, and that their behavior afterward is largely rational.
      ::新兴规范理论认为,规范是在人们聚集在一起集体行为之后产生的,事后他们的行为基本上是理性的。
    • Value-added theory argues that collective behavior results when several conditions exist, including structural strain, generalized beliefs, precipitating factors, and lack of social control. All these conditions must exist for collective behavior to occur.
      ::增值理论认为,如果存在若干条件,包括结构紧张、普遍信仰、触发因素以及缺乏社会控制等,则集体行为的结果就会存在。 集体行为必须具备所有这些条件才能发生。





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